Written by Bernard Gbayee Goah

President, Operation We care for Liberia

The exponential increase in the lack of public trust and confidence in President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s ability to lead the people of Liberia concerns me.

 Given the high level of corruption with the disappearances of millions of taxpayers’ money under the very supervision of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, it is now clear that her reelection to the presidency for the second time was actually  an endorsement of the status quo and a return to business as usual in Liberia.

Ms. Sirleaf is incapable of preventing Liberia from again returning to violence in the absence of the UN troops. The truth is, the presence of UN Troops in Liberia only gives a false sense of security with nothing being done to address imperative issues. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf is not capable of navigating her own people through the rough waters of justice because doing so would mean holding herself accountable. I know this to be true because after reviewing all the evidence, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Liberia felt it necessary to recommend that Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf be banned from public office for no less than 30 years. This is a clear indication of the extent of her involvement in the carnage.

Liberia’s past history has shown us that it is important for a sitting President to listen and take corrective steps while her people are still whining, writing articles, suggesting solutions, and talking. 

When the people become quiet, a situation develops whereby the top of the water is still and yet boiling underneath. 

Liberia has experienced the result of such a situation many times as a nation. I am sure Liberians do not want to experience it again.



The Liberian people have said over and over that they want the establishment of a War Crimes Court for Liberia. As a President of a nation, Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf is under the obligation to not only listen but also do something about it because the people are the government. But the Liberian President is just out of touch with reality. She has deliberately ignored the will of the people and the people are now anxious. Mistrust, suspicion and fear have hindered progress. Tension is rising and pressure is building across the entire country. To ignore this fact as President Sirleaf has done is a clear indication of a disconnected leader.

President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf must not be allowed to provide cover for persons who have committed unspeakable atrocities in Liberia. Impunity must not trump accountability. This will make it difficult - if not impossible – to restore normalcy in post-war Liberia under the leadership of persons bearing the greatest responsibility for the senseless destruction of lives and properties in that country.

If the people of Liberia allow rape, torture and murder to go unpunished, soon there will be nothing left to protect. 

Recently, in the country of Chad, the country’s former president Hissene Habre was arrested at his home and is presently in the custody of the Senegalese police. Habre is accused of killing and torturing tens of thousands of political opponents during his eight-year reign from 1982 until1990.  In Liberia, an estimation of more than two hundred thousand innocent people were killed, hundreds of thousands uprooted from their homes, and hundreds of thousands more displaced in foreign lands as a result of the country’s brutal war.

Atrocities committed in Liberia are so grave, personal experience of the war is not required to understand the magnitude of what took place. But because nothing has been done to deter those who perpetrated crimes against humanity, they have now capitalized on the negligence of the Liberian people to institute justice only to inflict harm on the country’s economy. 
Corruption is now institutionalized, and impunity greatly favored.  If justice for Chad is a must how about justice for Liberia?

The more we ignore the level of madness that visited Liberia; The more we ignore that countless number of innocent people were raped; tortured, enslaved, and killed; The more we illusively think that the passing of time will eventually diminish the severity of what took place in Liberia; The more illusions we build for a peaceful and reconciled Liberian nation. 

For we know, that it is just too wrong for those accused of committing war crimes, and crimes against humanity to be the same people in-charge of running the affairs of victims of war.
 If we agree that those accused of war crimes in the country of Chad, should not be the same people running the affair of the Chadian people; 

Then we as well must agree, that it is also wrong for those accused of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Liberia, to be the same people running the affairs of victims of war in that country.

Today in Liberia, suspects of war crimes and crimes against humanity are now dictating the pace of a “government favored justice process” that holds no one accountable. This is just too unacceptable at all levels!

Irrespective of the headaches and ruckus that may come with it, the people of Liberia must hold accountable those bearing the greatest responsibility for war crimes, and crimes against humanity. And surely the UN could help by standing with war victims as well.

"Oftentimes the word Peace is used interchangeably with the term Absence of War. But these are two distinct concepts which must not be confused. With the Nigerian Army decisive victory over the breakaway Biafran forces, peace was declared. But this did not happen in Korea. Therefore, sixty years later, the countries of North Korea and South Korea remain at war, though an all-out fight has yet to resume".

HON. TQ HARRIS, JR.

- HON. TQ HARRIS, JR.

THE LOYAL OPPOSITION STATEMENT IN RECOGNITION OF THE TENTH ANNIVERSARY OF CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES IN LIBERIA

DELIVERED BY HON. TQ HARRIS, JR.

AUGUST 20, 2013

SETTING THE PEACE RECORD STRAIGHT

Oftentimes the word Peace is used interchangeably with the term Absence of War. But these are two distinct concepts which must not be confused. With the Nigerian Army decisive victory over the breakaway Biafran forces, peace was declared. But this did not happen in Korea. Therefore, sixty years later, the countries of North Korea and South Korea remain at war, though an all-out fight has yet to resume. 

Despite the euphoria in some quarters, peace has yet to be achieved in Liberia. However, the ceasefire negotiated in 2003 by the international community has been maintained. But there has been no meaningful action on the part of Liberians themselves to prevent the resumption of hostilities. Therefore talks of celebrating ten years of peace are deceptive and can only further delay the recovery. 

How could there be peace in Liberia where currently thousands of heavily armed international peacekeeping troops are deployed across the country with no fixed date for their departure? Why are we lying to ourselves? The Liberian people desperately want peace, but standing in the way are agents of war who currently hold the reins of power.

This tenth anniversary of relative calm should be an occasion for Liberians of all persuasions, under the proper leadership, to come together and lay out a realistic agenda that will finally usher in lasting peace. Because the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in Accra, Ghana, cannot bring peace to Liberia, it has only temporarily halted the violence. This document in and of itself cannot compel Liberians to live in harmony, which brings to mind the words of a former U.S. President: “Peace is not a piece of paper.” Therefore Liberians must work for peace and be willing to make the necessary sacrifices.

Genuine peace can only return to Liberia when those bearing the greatest responsibility for the brutal war and those who committed atrocities against the Liberian people are no longer celebrated, but rather held accountable for their actions and excluded from public office.

Liberians will only know peace and reap its benefits when there is deterrence, rule of law, justice, and an end to impunity.

The savage 14 years war which claimed the lives of more than a quarter million Liberians and displaced over a million people was orchestrated by a small group of Liberians that erred in believing that war was the best option to contain President Samuel Doe and rein in corruption in his government. These individuals included Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Dr.  Amos Sawyer, Dr. Richard Tolbert, Mr. Byron Tarr, Mr. Harry Greaves, Mr. Thomas Woewiyu, and Former President Charles Taylor, among others. The organizations they created for this purpose (Association for Constitutional Democracy in Liberia - ACDL and the National Patriotic Front of Liberia - NPFL) placed deadly narcotics and powerful weapons in the hands of children as young as nine to fight their war. Evidently, this proved to be a colossal error which they must accept.

President Doe fiercely resisted the invading Libyan-trained rebels; and before long, the entire country was engulfed in one of Africa’s most brutal and destructive wars. The combination of ignorance, illiteracy, poverty, blind ambition, greed and witchcraft resulted in the downfall of the Constitutional government as well as Liberia’s disintegration. And the unprecedented chaos that ensued has yet to abate. 

Following the assassination of President Samuel Doe in 1990, Dr. Amos Sawyer became the first interim head of state. Sixteen years later, Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf became the first female president. The military campaign succeeded in overthrowing the government and ushering its architects into power, but it has done nothing to curb corruption or instill the rule of law. In fact Liberia has regressed.

Following the execution of an extremely brutal and unnecessary war that decimated the country’s infrastructure, destroyed a generation, caused mass displacement of people, and created wounds that will never heal; the architects of the senseless violence have now emerged as the new corrupt elites. Is it possible that these individuals could successfully lead the peace and reconciliation efforts, or effectively spearhead Liberia’s transformation? And will the international community investment in Liberia produce the intended results under the current leadership? We believe the answer to these questions is a resounding NO!

Let there be no mistake, the calm that is currently prevailing in Liberia has little to do with President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s leadership ability or the presence of international peacekeeping troops; rather, it must be credited largely to the following:

1. The individuals who introduced and perpetrated mass violence across Liberia are now the current national leaders. Therefore they have no interest in starting a war. To cite an example: Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf who described the 1985 presidential and general elections as fraudulent and refused to accept her senatorial seat, proceeded to organize an arms insurrection that overthrew the Samuel Doe government. Later in 1997, after losing the presidential election, she backed yet another arms insurrection that brought down the Charles Taylor government. Considering this pattern of behavior, which also includes sponsoring the failed coup against President Doe led by General Thomas Quiwonkpa; it is safe to assume that had Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf not been elected president in 2005, and with current living conditions as deplorable as they are, it is likely she might have organized yet another arms insurrection;    

2. Those who once held sway over the population and could very easily mobilize thousands have lost credibility due to past behavior. Now their criticisms and activism have no effect. However, there are upstanding personalities within the country who demand the people’s respect, but they have yet to act; and

3. The strongest and most compelling explanation for the prevailing tranquility has to do with the extreme violence, abuse, and trauma visited upon Liberians during the war. The population in general still harbors vivid memories of the horrors and are momentarily paralyzed; hence, they are willing to tolerate inconveniences and even the high level of corruption rather than risk a repeat of the dehumanization associated with the 14 years carnage. Unfortunately, the current administration has exploited this vulnerability and engaged in practices that are inimical to a sustainable peace. 

Most troubling in this tenth year since the guns were silenced, is the likelihood that certain elements might conclude out of desperation that violence is the only option to rid the nation of individuals such as Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Dr. Amos Sawyer, and the many others that are responsible for the misery. Afterall, the will of the people, as expressed in the TRC recommendations, has been suppressed using the corrupt justice system as well as other diabolical means. And President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf – the Iron Lady -- has blatantly refused to accept a graceful exit as a compromise for her role in the mass destruction of lives and properties. 

Also, since coming to power eight years ago, the Sirleaf administration has yet to arrest or prosecute a single individual for atrocities committed during the war, even though former President Charles Taylor has been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment for aiding and abetting similar crimes in Sierra Leone. And Chucky Taylor, his son, is currently serving a life sentence in the U.S. for crimes he committed in Liberia during the war. Yet, under Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s leadership, the people of Liberia continue to be subjected to the whims and caprices of our abusers. 

The Loyal Opposition would like to use this occasion to appeal particular to Madam Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Dr. Amos Sawyer as current and former heads of state respectively to provide the requisite leadership that will finally bring lasting peace to the Liberian people. Taking a noble step for peace will not only discourage others who might be contemplating violence, it also will effectively launch genuine reconciliation. Remember, your rise to prominence came through violence; why should others not follow your footsteps if you are unwilling to denounce violence through a bold demonstration of personal remorse? 

We urge our fellow Liberians to remain peaceful, but let us not hesitate to voice our discontent even through civil disobedience if necessary. Because collective silence in the face of ungodly leadership, rampant corruption, and injustice may yet again result in the forceful surrender of our freedoms to those inclined to violence. Therefore be ever vigilant and remember the words of Mr. Edmund Burke: “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.”

We pray that the coming decade will bring for the Liberian people lasting peace, unity, and unimaginable prosperity under the leadership of men and women of integrity.

Written by Bernard Gbayee Goah - President Operation We Care for Liberia

An estimation of more than two hundred thousand innocent people were killed, hundreds of thousands uprooted from their homes, and hundreds of thousands more displaced in foreign lands as a result of Liberia’s brutal war.
Atrocities committed in Liberia are so grave, personal experience of the war is not required to understand the magnitude of what took place. Youtube Recorded videos of the level of madness that visited this country, and how countless number of innocent people were raped, tortured, enslaved, and killed are so dehumanizing; there can be no statue of limitations. As such, the demand for justice by those who experienced such unacceptable nightmare is genuine, and must be respected and not brushed aside.With such unacceptable merciless acts carried out against the people of Liberia, it is unbelievable that not a single person has been held accountable! Worse of all, those accused of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones running the affairs of victims of war in Liberia today. And behold, it's all happening no where else, but under the very nose of the United Nations, in violation of its own Human Rights Chapter.

I want the United Nations to know that the rights of those who were killed during the Liberian civil war were not protected, and the rights of victims of war left to tell their stories are not yet protect in Liberia today.
Suspects of war crimes are now dictating the pace of a “government favored reconciliatory process” that holds no one accountable.

I want the United Nations to know that, the kind of reconciliatory process currently favored by the Liberian government cannot be a substitute to justice for war victims. International crimes were committed in Liberia by people holding top government positions. A reconciliatory process backed by a government infested with war crimes suspects is an impediment to peace in Liberia. The United Nations must pressure the Liberian government to buttress the demand of its citizens for justice irrespective of the situation. The establishment of a Liberian war crimes court must also be supported by the United Nations.

The people Liberia must reject any kind of process aimed at protecting a few powerful people against the will of the masses. The government of Liberia must strengthen its national capacity to house a war crimes court.
Regardless of the ruckus that comes with it, Liberians must demand that their government prosecute perpetrators of war crimes, and crimes against humanity. They must in the strongest possible terms state that they deserve no less, and are ready to resist the contrary.

They are experts of gansterism, and terrorist activity. They don’t have to physically travel to Mali. Their expertises are what al Qaeda wants. And that is why Liberian Warlords must be boxed now before it gets too late!!!!!!

Liberian Warlords may provide their expertise to al Qaeda in Mali and other conflict zones in West Africa. For why won’t they??? Conflict regions are where the fastest monies on earth are, and Mali perfectly fits in the picture.


“Mali has become an incubator for terrorist activity that demands urgent international attention, world leaders said Wednesday, as the U.S. drew its most explicit link between al Qaeda havens in such places and the recent attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, Libya. The political, economic and humanitarian crisis in Mali--and much of the broader North African region known as the Sahel--has turned the country into a "powder keg" for terrorist activity by al Qaeda's Saharan front, said Secretary of State Hillary Clinton” - http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/us-official-military-effort-needed-to-oust-radical-islamists-from-northern-mali/2012/10/02/ba3d3bba-0c95-11e2-97a7-45c05ef136b2_story.html

"Now, with a larger safe haven and increased freedom to maneuver, terrorists are seeking to extend their reach and their networks in multiple directions," Mrs. Clinton said at a scheduled meeting between senior government officials and heads of international groups held on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly" -http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/us-official-military-effort-needed-to-oust-radical-islamists-from-northern-mali/2012/10/02/ba3d3bba-0c95-11e2-97a7-45c05ef136b2_story.html

Why won’t Liberian warlords provide their expertise to terrorist organizations in Mali?? After all, these very warlords committed atrocities in Liberia without been held accountable up to now, so why should they even care???

Now that the United States cannot be a save haven for Liberian warlords, the United States becomes their enemy. So, their next plan would be to join any terrorist organization against US interest. There is a wise saying that fit this scenario: “The enemy of my enemy is my friend”.

It is within this context that the need for a war crimes court for Liberia is necessary in order to serve as deterrence to those who think they can use force to obtain any relevance to include a political one.

The United States must buttress the establishment of a Liberian war crimes court at this time, because it is not only the interest of West Africa that is at stake, but US interest as well.

WRITTEN BY UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL

Source: Frontpage Africa

The Security Council,

PP1. Recalling its resolutions and statements by its President concerning the situation in Liberia and the sub-region, in particular its resolutions 2008 (2011), 1971 (2011), 1938 (2010), 1885 (2009), 1836 (2008), and 1509 (2003),

PP2. Welcoming the Secretary-General’s report of 12 April 2012 (S/2012/230) and taking note of its recommendations andalso welcoming the Secretary-General’s report of 15 August 2012 (S/2012/641),

PP3. Commending the people and Government of Liberia for holding a national referendum, presidential and legislative elections in 2011, and recognizing the support provided by the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) to achieve them,

PP4. Commending the Government of Liberia for signing the Table Mountain Declaration, and encouraging the Government to advance free press and free expression,

PP5. Expressing appreciation for the assistance provided by both the Government and the Liberian people to the Ivoirian refugees that have relocated temporarily in eastern Liberia,

PP6. Welcoming the Peacebuilding Commission’s contribution to security sector reform, rule of law, and national reconciliation,

PP7. Encouraging the efforts to ensure adequate human rights presence, capacity, and expertise within UNMIL to carry out human rights promotion, protection, and monitoring activities,

PP8. Calling on the Government of Liberia to continue its efforts to further national reconciliation and economic recovery, and to combat corruption and promote efficiency and good governance, in particular by continuing to strengthen Government transparency and accountability in effectively managing Liberia’s natural resources, and noting with concern the continued slow progress on the important issue of land reform,

PP9. Recognizing that lasting stability in Liberia and the subregion will require well-functioning, accountable, and sustainable government institutions, including security and rule of law sectors,

PP10. Recalling its resolutions 1325 (2000), 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), and 1960 (2010) on women, peace, and security, concerned about the continuing high incidence of sexual and gender-based violence, calling for renewed efforts by the Government of Liberia in coordination with UNMIL to promote and protect the rights of civilians, in particular women and children, and reaffirming the importance of appropriate gender expertise and training in missions mandated by the Security Council,

PP11. Noting that UNMIL’s mandate includes assisting the Government of Liberia to consolidate peace and stability, with national institutions that are able to maintain security independently of a peacekeeping mission to ensure the future stability of Liberia; recalling the transition benchmarks for the drawdown phase of UNMIL, including the implementation of core benchmarks for the Liberia National Police and implementation of the national security strategy,

PP12. Urgingintensified effort by the Government of Liberia towards achieving progress on the transition of security responsibilities from UNMIL to the national authorities, particularly with regard to prioritizing and resourcing the critical gaps and improving the capacity and capability of the Liberia National Police and the Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization,

PP13. Noting that the Government of Liberia has the primary responsibility to reform the security sector, and calling on the Government to cooperate fully and work with UNMIL to demonstrate substantive progress in the reform and restructuring of the justice sector,

PP14. Recognizing the significant challenges that remain across all sectors, including continuing problems with violent crime, and recognizing that the instability in Côte d’Ivoire continues to pose cross-border security challenges for Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire,

PP15. Commending the work of UNMIL, under the leadership of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG), for its continuing and significant contribution to maintaining peace and stability in Liberia, and noting with satisfaction the increasing cooperation between UNMIL and the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI), as well as the neighbouring Governments, in coordinating security and judicial activities in the border areas in the sub-region,

PP16. Noting with concern the cross-border threats to sub-regional stability, including to Liberia, in particular threats posed by illicit drug trafficking, organized crime, and illicit arms,

PP17. Expressing its appreciation to the international community, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Union (AU), and the United Nations Office for West Africa (UNOWA), for their continuing support to consolidate peace, security and stability in Liberia and the region,

PP18. Welcoming the efforts of the Secretary-General to keep all peacekeeping operations, including UNMIL, under close review and reiterating the need for the Council to pursue a rigorous, strategic approach to peacekeeping deployments,

PP19. Determining that the situation in Liberia continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security in the region,

PP20. Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

1. Decides that the mandate of UNMIL shall be extended until 30 September 2013;

2. Emphasizes that the Government of Liberia bears primary and ultimate responsibility for security and, recognizing that the Government must prioritize in order to best utilize its available resources, decides that UNMIL’s primary tasks are to continue to support the Government in order to solidify peace and stability in Liberia and to protect civilians, and that UNMIL shall also support the Government’s efforts, as appropriate, to achieve a successful transition of complete security responsibility to the Liberia National Police (LNP) by strengthening the LNP’s capabilities to manage existing personnel, improve training programs to expedite their readiness to assume security responsibilities, and coordinate these efforts with all partners, including the Government of Liberia, the national police leadership, and donor partners;

3. Encourages the Government of Liberia and UNMIL to continue to make progress in the transition planning process and address the critical gaps that need to be filled in order to facilitate a successful transition, including by prioritizing tasks, to include promotion of human rights and reconciliation, assess security challenges inclusive of the border, strengthen democratic institutions and extend state authority and services throughout the country;

4. Endorses the Secretary-General’s recommendation, contained in the report S/2012/230, that UNMIL’s current military strength of seven infantry battalions shall decrease by four infantry battalions and related enablers, totaling approximately 4,200 personnel, in three phases between September 2012 and July 2015, subject to and consistent with conditions in the area of operations, leaving UNMIL’s military strength at three infantry battalions and related enablers, totaling approximately 3,750 personnel, by July 2015, and in that respect authorizes the Secretary-General to implement the first phase reducing the military component by 1,990 personnel between October 2012 and September 2013;

5. Further decides to increase the number of UNMIL’s authorized formed police units by three additional units, totaling 420 personnel, from its current strength of seven formed police units, totaling 1,375 personnel, for a new authorized ceiling of 1,795 personnel, and further decides that such additional units shall be deployed to Liberia as soon as available, with the first unit deploying no later than January 2013;

6. Emphasizes that future reconfigurations of UNMIL should be determined on the basis of the evolution of the situation on the ground and on the achievement of an improved capacity of the Government of Liberia to effectively protect the population through the establishment of sustainable and effective security forces with a view to progressively take over UNMIL’s security role;

7. Recognizes that this transition will require qualified specialist advisors to assist and support the SRSG in working with the Government of Liberia to meet transition goals, and requeststhe Secretary-General to ensure that UNMIL has the requisite qualified specialist advisors who have the experience and professional skills appropriate to this transition phase in order to enhance mentoring in priority areas, as outlined in the Secretary-General’s report S/2012/230; and requests that such qualified specialist advisors be made available to the SRSG to fill gaps that might exist in meeting the goal of increasing the capacity of the Government of Liberia, particularly the LNP, to implement sustainable rule of law, justice, governance and SSR programs, including mechanisms to hold perpetrators of sexual and gender-based violence accountable;

8. Emphasizes that in order to be sustainable, the transition planning process should take into account broad challenges, including governance and the rule of law as well as the political context, and calls on UNMIL to make the appropriate internal adjustments and, at the request of the Government of Liberia, and consistent with its mandate, support the people and the Government of Liberia in taking forward the identified priorities, including national reconciliation, constitutional reform and decentralization, while enhancing its support for security sector and rule of law reforms;

9. Reiterates its calls on the Government of Liberia to continue to combat sexual and gender-based violence and, in coordination with UNMIL, to continue to combat impunity for perpetrators of such crimes and to provide redress, support, and protection to victims;

10. Encourages UNMIL to ensure regular interaction with the civilian population to raise awareness and understanding about its mandate and activities, within existing resources;

11. Requests UNMIL to continue to support the participation of women in conflict prevention, conflict resolution and peacebuilding, including in decision-making roles in post-conflict governance institutions, appointed and elected in Liberia, within existing resources;

12. Calls upon the Governments of Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia to continue to enhance their cooperation, particularly with respect to the border area, including through increasing monitoring, information sharing and conducting coordinated actions, and in developing and implementing a shared border strategy to inter alia support the disarmament and repatriation of foreign armed elements on both sides of the border and the voluntary return of refugees;

13. Calls upon the United Nations in Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia, including all components of UNOCI and UNMIL, within their respective mandates, capabilities and areas of deployment, to enhance their support for the stabilization of the border area, including through their increased cooperation and the development of a shared, strategic vision and plan, in support of the Ivoirian and Liberian authorities;

14. Takes note of the endorsement, in its resolution 2062 (2012), of the Secretary-General’s recommendation to transfer the three armed helicopters, currently deployed in UNMIL, to UNOCI, to be used in both Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia along and across their border;

15. Calls upon the donor community to support the Government of Liberia, as well as the United Nations, and other humanitarian actors, as appropriate, in their response to the Ivoirian refugees still present in Liberia;

16. Emphasizes the need for coherence between, and integration of, peacekeeping, peacebuilding, and development to achieve an effective response to post-conflict situations, requests that the Secretary-General, in conjunction with the United Nations Country Team and international partners, to continue to coordinate and collaborate with the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), and calls for the timely completion of the justice and security hubs, with requisite full staffing to make these hubs fully operational, to contribute to improved access to justice and security services throughout Liberia; and encourages the PBC, following close consultation with the Government of Liberia, to continue to report on the findings of its missions and its recommendations on how it can accelerate progress on security sector reform, rule of law, and national reconciliation;

17. Underscores the importance that the military concept of operations and rules of engagement be regularly updated and be fully in line with the provisions of this resolution, and requests the Secretary-General to report on them to the Security Council and troop-contributing countries;

18. Further underscores the importance for the Government of Liberia, in coordination with UNMIL, the United Nations Country Team and international partners, to continue to develop national security and rule of law institutions that are fully and independently operational, and to this end continues to encourage coordinated progress on the implementation of the Security and Justice Development Plans and the National Human Rights Action Plan;

19. Encourages ECOWAS and the Mano River Union to continue to develop, with the support of UNOWA, a sub-regional strategy to address the threat of the cross-border movements of armed groups and weapons as well as illicit trafficking, with the assistance of UNOCI and UNMIL, as appropriate, and provide regular updates on progress towards the development of such a sub-regional strategy in the upcoming relevant reports of the Secretary-General;

20. Further requests the Secretary-General to keep it regularly informed of the situation on the ground as UNMIL continues its reconfiguration, progress towards achieving the transitional benchmarks, and development of a transition plan with the Government of Liberia, inclusive of priority elements cited in paragraphs 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8, and to provide to it a midterm report no later than 28 February 2013 and a final report no later than 15 August 2013 on the situation on the ground and the implementation of this resolution;

21. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

Written by Bernard Gbayee Goah
President, Operation We Care for Liberia

While allegations of War Crimes remain unaddressed, and those suspected of committing them are the judges in charge of running the affairs of the country, the current Liberian government cannot be considered credible. There are major war crime suspects holding top public positions in the current Liberian government. 

Infested with war crimes suspects, the current Liberian government has refused to use the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's recommendation as a platform to institute justice for Liberian war victims, even though, said recommendation is one of the best available remedies for sustainable peace in Liberia. 

Rather; warlords and their financiers have only settled for a so-called Truth forum that will further humiliate victims of rape, and sex enslavement by dragging them yet again through a public ordeal that ultimately holds no one accountable. Living under dark cloud of guilt and suspicion, former warlords and their financiers have without remorse, rejected the way forward to peace.

Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf and the TRC .... 

After reviewing all the evidence, Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission felt it necessary to recommend that Madam Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf be banned from public office for no less than 30 years. This is a clear indication of the extent of her involvement in the carnage. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s incredulity in the face of the TRC’s mounting evidence is incomprehensible. The presence of Madam Sirleaf and other warlords in government makes it impossible for Liberia’s justice system to function properly.

Why do we want a special statute and not the Rome statute that established the Serra Leon special court??

While We call for an establishment of a Liberian war crimes court capable of investigating crimes committed in Liberia from 1979 to present, we want a special statute, not the Rome Statute that established the Serra Leon special court. We are very concern that prior to the establishment of the ICC, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, and her accomplices may have committed crimes against humanity due to mounting evidence presented during the TRC’s hearings. 
Because the current ICC has jurisdiction only from July 2002, the date of the ratification of the Rome Statute, we do not see the establishment of a war crimes court in Liberia possible under the Rome Statute which only investigate crimes committed after 2002.
"Rome Statute" is the treaty that established the International Criminal Court (ICC). 

We at this point recommend a Special Statute other than the Rome Statute that will enhance the establishment of a Liberian war crimes court. The fact is, there are evidence of international crimes been committed by certain individuals in Liberia pre the establishment of the ICC.

A peaceful Liberia demands accountability, justice, and reconciliation. Those bearing the greatest responsibility for atrocities in Liberia must be held accountable. They must not be allowed to walk freely! This is necessary in order to begin genuine reconciliation.

Lastly, regardless of the ruckus it may come with, the current Liberian government must demonstrate rule of law by working towards the establishment of a Liberian war crimes court under a special statute to investigate crimes committed in Liberia during the course of its civil war. This will serve as a deterrent to those who believe in the use of force to obtain state power.

May God bless the people of Liberia.

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The need for post-war justice is a step toward lasting peace, stability and prosperity for Liberia. Liberia needs a war crimes tribunal or some credible legal forum that is capable of dealing with atrocities perpetrated against defenseless men, women and children during the country's brutal war - Bernard Gbayee Goah 

Source: New Democrat Liberia

Mr. Cyril Allen, one of the most faithful generals of the erstwhile rebel National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) has expressed dismay that instead of charging him as “one of those who bear the greatest responsibilities of the Liberian civil war”, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) “undercharged” him.

The TRC report charged Mr. Allen, a staunch ally of Mr. Charles Taylor in his 14-year war efforts in Liberia, as “aiding and abetting the war”—a similar charge levied against former fighters.

But Mr. Allen being interviewed live on Truth FM radio last week, spewed: “I am one of those who bear the greatest responsibilities of the war. They did not even charge me as one of those.”

“I was one of the leaders of the NPFL and they simply said aiding and abetting. And I think that it is unfair for you to do that to me and name  young generals who were on the field fighting.”

“We, who were the leaders of the NPFL…they simply said aiding and abetting,” he wondered.

He added: “I think whatever way, they charged me much less. I should have been charged more than what they charged” me. 

Despite his admission of being one of those bearing the greatest responsibilities of the Liberian civil war, Mr. Allen expressed support for the setting up of a war crimes tribunal in Liberia. “War crimes court is good for reconciliation…for healing the wounds.”

Mr. Allen accused Nimba County Sen. Prince Johnson, a bitter opponent of a war crimes court, of physically slicing the ears of former President Samuel K. Doe after Mr. Johnson’s forces captured him.

“He (Sen. Johnson) is the one who they had on video cutting the ears of president Doe. I do not see any reason why there should not be a war crimes court,” Mr. Allen said.

The hands of Liberia's political leaders and elites, including the head of state of Liberia, are resisting justice at all cost mostly because their hands are stained with the innocent blood of men, women, and children and their contributions to the mayhem  in Liberia are outstanding.

So I created a Petition for compulsory legislative action in Liberia and sent it to Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf - President of Liberia, International Criminal Court, Her Excellency Madam Marjon V. Kamara - Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Liberia to the United Nations, Union of Liberian Association in the Americas, The Oregon State House, The Oregon State Senate, Governor John Kitzhaber, The United States House of Representatives, The United States Senate, and President Barack Obama.

Again, let those who caused the deaths of over 250,000 innocent people not be allowed to walk freely. Without justice, peace shall remain elusive and investment in Liberia will not produce the intended results.

Will you sign this petition? Click here: http://signon.org/sign/liberia-needs-a-war-crimes?source=c.fwd.in&r_by=4366692

Thanks!

Bernard Gbayee Goah

President, Operation We Care for Liberia
http://owcl.wordpress.com/

Written by E. J. Nathaniel Daygbor Source: The New Dawn

Calls for the establishment of a war crimes court here seems to be gaining momentum with the submission of a bill before the House of Representatives, requesting for the formation of such court to prosecute ex-warlords and others who played major role during the country’s crisis period.

Grand Bassa County Representative Byron Brown presented a draft bill to the House of Representatives Tuesday through plenary, calling for the establishment of a war crimes court for Liberia.

Brown, who got elected on the ticket of the opposition Liberty Party during the 2011 elections, said the ultimate purpose of the bill is to sustain the peace, achieving genuine national reconciliation and moving ahead with the national developmental agenda, unhindered.



“This has become the most prudent thing for us to do, my colleagues. It is said that giving aggressors an inch of the way does trigger in [them] false sense of greatness, thereby propelling such aggressors to an unending series of aggressions against the vulnerable of society”, he stressed.  

Brown noted that the Liberian Civil Conflict produced many aggressors, both within and outside the nation’s frontiers, who committed some of the worst crimes against humanity.

“Some of them planned, financed, supervised and executed the wanton destruction of our country and its human resource.

Today, they seem to be clinging to the mistaken belief that their actions against the nation and its people were justified. Even the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) that was suggested, as a bridge to the future has been trampled upon, as its recommendations are being thrown into the dust bin, where than do we go for justice,?” the Grand Bassa lawmaker told plenary Tuesday in a determined tune. 



He said as a result, Liberians are kept in perpetual poverty, while the alleged perpetrators and their reported conies mellow in the resources of the state with demonstrated arrogance.

“It rests upon our shoulders as representatives of the people, to move to avert the potential re-occurrence of our national nightmare by taking practical steps to restrain the aggressors.

One way to do this is by unwaveringly enacting a law that specifically deals with the issue of war crimes committed in Liberia. This will be sufficient deterrence for re-entrance into the theater of conflict with disproportionate consequence”, he concluded.

The Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended prosecution of ex-warlords and generals, who allegedly committed heinous crimes during the 14-year civil crisis, but the TRC recommendations, are being politicized. Meanwhile, the bill has been sent to the Judiciary, and Ways, Means and Finance committees to report to plenary in the shortest possible time.

Calls for the establishment of a war crimes court have been repeated time to time, beginning with lead campaigner Mulbah Morlu, who paraded caskets in the streets of Monrovia during a visit here by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. Morlu however seems to have abandoned his campaign after he publicly lied that he met with President Obama in Ghana on the matter.

Liberian human rights lawyer Dempster Brown recently announced that he’s submitting a bill to the Liberian Legislature for the creation of a war crimes court.

A New York based Human Rights organization, Human Rights Watch, has cautioned the security sector of both the Liberian and the Ivorian Governments to avoid abusive crackdown on perceived dissidents, and to ensure that the due process of law takes its course.

According to News agency report, the Liberian government should on the other hand be commended for swiftly undertaking criminal investigations on suspects, with a view to prosecuting or extraditing armed men alleged to be involved in cross-border attacks in the Ivory Coast on June 8, 2012 in which 7 United Nations Peace Keepers and at least 17 people were killed in the western part of that country.

The prompt and robust security measures instituted by Liberia's National; Security Council on Saturday June 9th barely a day after the ambush and killing of seven Niger peace-keepers of the United Nations peacekeeping troops in the Ivory Coast and about seventeen civilians near the border area included the closure of the Liberian side of the border.

It was necessary that the Liberian government do something, at least to give the impression to the international community that they have no hidden hands in the planning and the attack on that country.

Other measures included the suspension of artisan gold mining and cross border trade activities, the re-location of refugee camps away from the border area; except for the transport of humanitarian items such as food and medicines.

The Liberian government made it clear that it will not allow any dissidence activities on Liberian soil, given the experiences of the 14 years rebel conflict that this country had passed through recently.

Human Rights Watch however took exception to the slowness in the Liberian government's investigation of one of the ten wanted Ivoirian dissidents by the name of Chegbo, a pro-Gbagbo loyalist that is said to have been involved in serious criminal activities in the Ivory Coast and hotly wanted by the Ivoirian Government, which may be a cause for them to point accusing fingers on the Liberian government.

But in their defense, Liberia's Information Minister Lewis Brown has indicated that they are conscious of the rights of suspects and this is why they are treating the investigation in a very professional way to ensure that the rights of the accused are not abused. But once the investigations of the 41 suspects are completed, those found wanting will be prosecuted and extradition proceedings taken to turn them over to the Ivoirian authorities.

The alarm raised by Human Rights Watch concerns suspicions that a lot of those arrested, harassed and detained by the Ivoirian security forces for reasons of rebel activities are perceived Gbagbo loyalists over whom government lacks sufficient proofs to substantiate their claims. The security and human rights situations have been worse in that country since June 12th when the country's Interior Minister Hamed Bakayoko announced an abortive coup plot on state television involving pro-Gbagbo political and ex-military loyalists.

According to Human Rights Watch Report, there is mounting concern that the accused coup plotters will not get a speedy and fair trial from the Government of President Alassane Ouattara.

Several of the suspects detained by the Ivoirian government have been complaining of severe harassment and inhumane treatment as the crackdown continues, while declaring their innocence in any attempt to topple the government, or any connection with the rebel activities in the western part of the country.

Written by:
Bernard Gbayee Goah
President, Operation We Care for Liberia

There is a limitless untapped potential of young people living in Liberia. The problem remains the unwillingness of government institutions, corporations, and policy-makers to recognize such potential. And this is a Major challenge preventing Liberian youths from reaching their full potential.

Relevant institutions in Liberia must proactively realize the potential of young people if the structures and problems that are keeping youth unemployment rates high must be quenched. The lack of decent jobs resulting from lack of contemporary career educational opportunities is a major contributing factor to youth unemployment, and this is by all means a key source of social and political upheaval in Liberia today. Multitudes of young people are jobless, poor, school dropouts, and uneducated, but they are all demanding their rights and greater voice in economic and political life. There is a need to support initiatives that encourage social contracts that buttress job-rich economic growth. Liberia must make youth Empowerment a priority. Government must focus on more and better jobs for young people. Government must be willing to give Big businesses that operate in Liberia tax breaks, and other incentives. This will pave a way for companies to offer jobs, tuitions, and other forms of stipends to young people in Liberia.

Also, Practical discussions on how collaboration among government institutions, social partners, the private sector and young people themselves can be maximized to increase employment must be encouraged. The need to inspire Young entrepreneurs must be prioritized in Liberia.

As potential natural resources that enhance economic growths in Liberia are finite and continue to deplete day by day, Government must give tax breaks to companies whose operations are bent on going green. Government must also encourage green educational career among young Liberians pursuing education at all levels. Green career is the way forward. Technological innovations by means of Green oriented initiatives come from accessible local resources. And such resources are availably abundant in Liberia. In fact, they are environmentally save, renewable in nature, and durable if used pragmatically.  The Liberian government must encourage the use of new but green technologies in school curriculums so that young Liberians would be exposed to the idea of “Going Green” at an earlier stage in their pursuit of education. Government can realize this potential if policy-makers become more aware that the pillows of any successful country rest on government’s support of the potential of the youths to pursue their dreams.

Lastly, government must strengthen human capital in green educational endeavors as well as open up non-rigid labor markets that guarantee youth employment.  Without economic growth, getting young people to work is a complete illusion because there will be no new jobs as more and more people are born. Reinventing government’s monetary policy that focuses on youth unemployment cannot be over emphasized at this time. Also, an accompanied durable solution that alleviates youth unemployment in any country is regional collaboration. Regardless of individual economic strength, West African countries, especially Mono River countries must realize the potential of young people and be willing to work together innovatively to solve the long-standing problems of youth joblessness.

Once the realization and support of youth potential is there, government and policy markers can now focus on the willingness aspect and target those structures that perpetuate unemployment thereby making the challenge recognizable and the solution attainable. 

Nairobi — Armed militants hostile to the Ivorian government have recruited Liberian children and carried out deadly cross-border raids on Ivorian villages in recent months, Human Rights Watch said today. Liberian authorities have failed to investigate and prosecute dozens of Liberian and Ivorian nationals who crossed into Liberia after committing war crimes during Côte d'Ivoire's 2010-2011 post-election crisis, some of whom have been implicated in the recent attacks, Human Rights Watch said.


Since July 2011, at least 40 Côte d'Ivoire residents, including women and children, have been killed during four cross-border attacks that targeted civilians from ethnic groups who largely support President Alassane Ouattara. In the most recent attack, on April 25, eight people were killed in the Ivorian village of Sakré. The attackers, who told Human Rights Watch they are planning further cross-border raids, are primarily Liberians and Ivorians who fought with the forces of former President Laurent Gbagbo during the Ivorian post-election crisis and remain violently opposed to Ouattara's government.

"For well over a year, the Liberian government has had its head in the sand in responding to the flood of war criminals who crossed into the country at the end of the Ivorian crisis," said Matt Wells, West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. "Rather than uphold its responsibility to prosecute or extradite those involved in international crimes, Liberian authorities have stood by as many of these same people recruit child soldiers and carry out deadly cross-border attacks."

Between April 25 and May 3, Human Rights Watch conducted field work in the towns of Zwedru, Toe Town, and Tempo in Liberia's Grand Gedeh County, which borders Côte d'Ivoire, as well as in villages and gold mining camps near the Ivorian border. Human Rights Watch interviewed 21 Liberians and Ivorians who fought for forces loyal to former President Gbagbo during the 2010-2011 Ivorian crisis. Human Rights Watch also interviewed police officers, prison officials, prosecutors, and residents of areas with a strong presence of militants involved in committing or planning cross-border attacks.

Human Rights Watch documented the recruitment and use of Liberian children by the armed groups carrying out cross-border raids. A 17-year-old boy said he led a "unit" that included other children and had participated in cross-border attacks. Residents of several Liberian border towns described the presence of children ages 14 to 17 at a training camp, while another resident described seeing several armed boys among those returning from the April 25 attack.

One border town resident said that he had reported the recruitment of child soldiers to Liberian authorities, but that they told him there was insufficient evidence to make arrests.

Human Rights Watch called on the Liberian government to take immediate measures to protect children from recruitment into armed groups. Human Rights Watch urged the Liberian government to ratify speedily the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which it signed in 2004. The protocol prohibits any armed group from recruiting children under 18 and obliges governments to take measures to prevent and criminalize such practices.

Several thousand Liberian mercenaries fought in Côte d'Ivoire during that country's post-election crisis, the vast majority for the Gbagbo side. The mercenaries, recruited and financed by Gbagbo's inner circle, fought side-by-side with local ethnically based militias in western Côte d'Ivoire, where they committed widespread killings targeting perceived Ouattara supporters. After Gbagbo was arrested on April 11, 2011, many of these mercenaries and militiamen crossed into Liberia, in part due to the fear of reprisals by pro-Ouattara forces. Liberia and Côte d'Ivoire share a 700 kilometer border, but most pro-Gbagbo militants crossed into, and remain in, the Liberian counties of Grand Gedeh, River Gee, and Maryland.

"Liberian fighters have been involved in atrocities across the sub-region for more than a decade and remain a threat to Côte d'Ivoire and Liberia as these countries try to move on from periods of massive human rights violations," Wells said.

The involvement of Liberian mercenaries in the Ivorian conflict was noted in the December 2011 report of the United Nations Panel of Experts on Liberia, mandated by the UN Security Council to report on sanctions imposed on Liberia. The panel expressed concern about recruitment and mobilization in the border area and concluded: "[T]he Government of Liberia has demonstrated an inadequate response to the issue of Liberian mercenaries returning from Côte d'Ivoire, and the infiltration of Ivorian militia."

Although a few Liberians were arrested after returning from active hostilities in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberian authorities have failed to follow through with prosecutions for atrocities there - despite provisions in Liberia's Penal Code that would allow for the prosecution of crimes like murder or rape that are recognized both under Liberian law and as war crimes under international treaties to which Liberia is a state party. The Liberian Penal Code also criminalizes "mercenarism" under Section 11.13, which could apply to a number of its citizens who fought in Côte d'Ivoire.

Liberia has a duty under international law, including the Geneva Conventions it has ratified, to detain, investigate, and prosecute or extradite suspected war criminals on its territory. Human Rights Watch called on Liberia to fulfill its responsibility as a member state of the International Criminal Court and pass legislation to enable the domestic prosecution of atrocity crimes committed anywhere in the world.

At least two infamous Liberians credibly implicated in atrocities in Côte d'Ivoire have been released by Liberian authorities after originally facing charges of "mercenarism." One is Isaac Chegbo, better known as "Bob Marley," whom Human Rights Watch implicated in overseeing two massacres in Côte d'Ivoire in which more than 100 people were killed; and the other is A. Vleyee, better known as "Bush Dog," who was a deputy under Chegbo and likewise oversaw forces who committed widespread violations. According to reports by the UN Panel of Experts, both of these men fought as mercenaries in the 2002-2003 Ivorian civil war and its aftermath. Liberian forces where they were based were credibly implicated in war crimes, including summary executions and the recruitment of child soldiers, during that period as well.

Several former combatants told Human Rights Watch that "Bush Dog" was actively engaged in recruiting and training fighters, including Liberians and Ivorians who participated in recent cross-border attacks. Officials with the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) expressed similar concern about "Bob Marley."

Based on interviews with people involved with the armed groups, who described the number of mobilized fighters in their village or training camp, Human Rights Watch identified between 100 and 150 people who have either participated in past cross-border attacks or are organizing for future attacks. The true number could be larger, however. Those interviewed reported close to an even split between Ivorians and Liberians.

UN officials monitoring the border area told Human Rights Watch that they did not think the armed groups hostile to the Ivorian government had sufficient strength to carry out a large-scale attack. However, they said the armed militants have the ability to continue conducting cross-border raids that target and kill perceived Ouattara supporters. Moreover, the militants openly say they want to carry out larger attacks - a real concern in a sub-region marked by insecurity, armed conflict, and grave crimes over the last two decades, Human Rights Watch said.

A level of organization among those involved in cross-border attacks is evident in the manner the recruitment and mobilization are financed. Many of those involved in the attacks are engaged in artisanal gold mining along the Liberian border, and they told Human Rights Watch that profits go up a chain of command. Several people involved in planning attacks also told Human Rights Watch that they receive financial support from people in Ghana, where much of the Gbagbo political and military elite are in exile. Ivorian authorities have issued arrest warrants for people in Ghana alleged to have been involved in post-election crimes - and made extradition requests through Interpol for some of them - but Ghanaian authorities have not acted on them.

On May 2, following the April 25 attack, high-level government officials from Côte d'Ivoire and Liberia met in Abidjan to discuss border security issues. Liberian officials promised to increase security forces along the border and to cooperate with Côte d'Ivoire regarding the Ivorian militiamen who have been in detention in Liberia since June 2011.

"This regional problem demands a regional response," Wells said. "Ghanaian and Liberian authorities need to demonstrate greater willingness to prosecute or extradite to Côte d'Ivoire people who committed or oversaw atrocities during the Ivorian crisis."

Failure to Prosecute Suspected War Criminals Living in Liberia

The Liberian government has failed to extradite Ivorians or ensure the prosecution of Liberians and Ivorians implicated in grave crimes during Côte d'Ivoire's post-election crisis. This has allowed people suspected of war crimes to find refuge near the border, where many have conducted cross-border raids and recruited and mobilized for larger-scale attacks.

Section1.4 of Liberia's Penal Code gives "extraterritorial jurisdiction over an offense" when, among other things, "conferred upon Liberia by treaty." This would include crimes under the Geneva Conventions and Rome Statute, to which Liberia is a state party. Section 1.5 of the Penal Code, however, limits jurisdiction to crimes specifically enumerated under the Penal Code "or another statute of Liberia." This would encompass crimes like murder and rape, but not the international crimes of war crimes or crimes against humanity. In addition, Liberia's Penal Code criminalizes "mercenarism," defined in part as the "enlisting, enrolling or attempting to enroll in ... armed forces partially or wholly and [sic] consisting of persons not nationals of the country being invaded ... for money, personal gain, material or other reward."

The Liberian government should ensure that the provisions of the Rome Statute and other international treaties are fully incorporated into domestic law. This would make clear that people suspected of serious international crimes, including war crimes and crimes against humanity committed anywhere in the world, can be prosecuted in Liberia. However, even without modifying the current Penal Code, there remain ample provisions to investigate and prosecute the serious crimes committed in Côte d'Ivoire by people in Liberia.

The March 2012 Special Report from the Secretary-General on the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire noted that of "88 suspected armed elements, mainly from Côte d'Ivoire ... detained in Liberia in April 2011 ... two Ivorians remain in detention, as well as three suspected Liberian mercenaries. The other detainees were released on 13 March."

An additional 39 Ivorians were arrested in June 2011 after the discovery of a large weapons cache in Fishtown, Liberia, near the Ivorian border. Human Rights Watch interviewed a prison official at the Zwedru correctional facility who said that the 39 Ivorians, as well as four Liberians, have been held there in pre-trial detention since their arrest. The Zwedru prison official said that the Ivorians had been charged with "mercenarism," a crime that, as noted by the UN Panel of Experts, "seemingly would not apply to Ivorian combatants fleeing to Liberia."

Human Rights Watch called on the Liberian authorities to clarify the status of these detainees, and to prosecute them for applicable crimes under the Liberian Penal Code, extradite them to Côte d'Ivoire if requested by Ivorian authorities, or release them.

The UN Panel of Experts said in its December 2011 report that there were "numerous instances in which mercenaries and Ivorian militia entered Liberia and evaded Liberian authorities." Those who "evaded Liberian authorities" far outnumber those in detention, and include prominent mercenary and militia leaders whom Human Rights Watch and the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI) implicated in overseeing serious crimes in Côte d'Ivoire.

For example, the 39 Ivorians arrested in June 2011 were part of a convoy of more than 100 people who crossed into Liberia in May. The rest of the convoy members remain at large. The Panel of Experts reported that "almost all of the individuals ... were combatants.... Several of the Ivorian leaders had served in FANCI [the armed forces] or the gendarmerie, while others were ranking members of the Jeunes Patriotes[militia group]. Many of the detainees are hardline, pro-Gbagbo combatants who had continued to fight in Yopougon, Abidjan, after the former President was captured."

Several high-profile Liberian fighters who were arrested for "mercenarism" after crossing into Liberia have since been released, either on bail or due to insufficient evidence. In interviews with Human Rights Watch, prosecutors in Grand Gedeh and Montserrado counties described difficulties in building cases, even when they believed people had been mercenaries or had been involved in related criminal activity. Part of the problem appears to be that prosecutors have not collaborated with Ivorian authorities or civil society to gain what would be, in certain cases, access to considerable evidence on these individuals' crimes in Côte d'Ivoire.

Two cases underscore the larger failure of the Liberian authorities. Vleyee, or "Bush Dog," was arrested by Liberian authorities in April 2011. Research by Human Rights Watch and the Panel of Experts indicate that, during the crisis, Vleyee was in a command position with mercenary and militia forces implicated in atrocities in and around the Ivorian town of Bloléquin. Soon after his arrest in Liberia, Vleyee was released. The Panel of Experts said the investigation was "hampered by a lack of proper evidence-gathering and contradictory statements by Liberian Government officials." The investigation focused on whether Vleyee brought military material into Liberia, rather than his possible command responsibility for killings in Côte d'Ivoire.

In May 2012, Human Rights Watch interviewed three Liberian fighters and two border town residents who said that the same "Bush Dog" was recruiting Liberians and Ivorians for attacks in Côte d'Ivoire. At a time when Vleyee should be on the radar of Liberian authorities - given his alleged role in atrocities and previous arrest - a resident near Zwedru decried authorities' failure to respond to his ongoing recruitment:

I informed security [forces] about the recruiters, including General Bush Dog.... His training camp is in the bush near the border; it's a few minutes' walk to Côte d'Ivoire. I have not been to the training camp to see for myself, but a small boy by the name of [redacted for security reasons] came when he was seriously sick in the training camp. He explained everything to me because I was a friend to his late father, who died last year....

Chegbo, better known by his nom de guerre "Bob Marley" and "Child Could Die," is of equal concern. Human Rights Watch and UNOCI found evidence indicating his participation and commanding role in a unit responsible for grave crimes, including two massacres in western Côte d'Ivoire in which a total of more than 100 people were killed. Liberian authorities arrested Chegbo after he returned to Liberia in April 2011, but quickly released him.

After pressure from Ivorian authorities, Chegbo was re-arrested in late May 2011 and transferred to Monrovia's central prison, charged with "mercenarism." In February 2012, however, Chegbo was quietly released on bail. The Associated Press reported that the prosecutor for Montserrado County (Monrovia) "had no knowledge" that Chegbo had been released, until the journalist raised the issue. The prosecutor was unsure about Chegbo's whereabouts, but said he still wanted to prosecute Chegbo. The UN Panel of Experts reported that, after Chegbo's 2011 transfer to Monrovia, "key evidence, such as Chegbo's pistol, [went] missing from police custody." Several Zwedru residents told Human Rights Watch that as of early May, Chegbo was back in Grand Gedeh County.

The UN Panel of Experts report showed that, although the precise command structure of Liberians who fought in Côte d'Ivoire was volatile, "Bob Marley" appeared to occupy a command position above "Bush Dog." Both fighters were based out of Bloléquin.

Failure to Investigate Cross-Border Attacks

In the four cross-border attacks since June 2011, the motivation appears to have been both political vengeance and related to land conflict - issues that overlap in Côte d'Ivoire's volatile west. Those killed or whose houses were burned predominantly belong to ethnic groups that largely voted for President Ouattara.

The 40 deaths in these attacks have all been along the border near the Ivorian town of Taï. During previous field work in Côte d'Ivoire, Human Rights Watch documented the first two cross-border raids, in July and September 2011. The recent attacks, on February 20 and April 25, displaced thousands from villages in the area.

Liberian authorities have failed to investigate those involved in the attacks. Section1.4.2of the Liberian Penal Code provides jurisdiction over the attackers, stating: "A person is subject to prosecution in Liberia for an offense which he commits partly within Liberia. An offense is committed partly within Liberia if either the conduct which is an element of the offense or the result which is such an element, occurs within Liberia." For the cross-border attacks, both the preparation for the attacks - which have each included murder - and the intent to carry out the attacks have occurred within Liberia.

A Liberian resident of Tempo described how the town and its surrounding area have been used as a base for some of the cross-border attacks:

All the attacks taking place in Ivory Coast are being done by both Ivorians and Liberians, but the heads are Bush Dog and Oulaï Tako. These guys are training and sending youth to fighting zones. This recent time [April 25] there was an attack in Ivory Coast, and civilians - adults and children - were killed.... They've attacked Gahabli, Sakré, Taï, and Nigré, and we hear them say they are planning to launch a heavy attack later this year.... [We saw] many of the fighters... come back to Tempo [after the Sakré attack] wounded, and they have gone to their training camp [outside town].

The Panel of Experts reported that Vleyee and Tako fought in close proximity in Côte d'Ivoire. Tako was the Bloléquin commander of the Front pour la libération du grand ouest (FLGO), a notorious pro-Gbagbo militia formerly based in western Côte d'Ivoire.

A 33-year-old Liberian former combatant in Toe Town, who told Human Rights Watch that he had on several occasions been approached to join those conducting and planning cross-border attacks, said the recruitment of fighters was an open secret in the region. He also said that those involved in planning attacks had told him that they had moved a considerable quantity of arms from Côte d'Ivoire to Liberia "without anyone blowing the alarm," concluding: "Either the border patrol in Liberia is poor, or security officers are part of this deal."

An official with UNMIL said he believed that at least some local and regional officials had to be acquiescing to the activities of former Liberian mercenaries - hypothesizing that it could be due to revenues from gold mining or to a perceived fear of "stirring the hornet's nest."

On at least one occasion, Liberian security forces tried to thwart a cross-border attack. But they did not follow through with successful investigations and prosecutions. In late January, Liberian security forces arrested 76 Ivorians and Liberians near the border, believing they were planning to attack Côte d'Ivoire. A police officer in Zwedru said:

Joint security forces in Grand Gedeh County discovered sometime in January what was described as a dissidents' training base in Konobo district. Following the discovery, the Liberia national police assigned to the county stormed the area and arrested 75 of the suspect dissident forces. The men were arrested while en route to neighboring Ivory Coast, [we believe] with the aim of invading and toppling the government.... The dissidents included Ivorians and a few Liberians. They were intercepted and arrested at the double bridge crossing point near the border. They were carried to the Monrovia correctional palace, but all of them were later freed because of lack of evidence.

Human Rights Watch interviewed one of those arrested in January. The 27-year-old Liberian made clear the groups' intentions:

Our group is organized.... We have attempted to enter Ivory Coast once in January at the double bridge to the border, but the mission was unsuccessful because the secret was exposed to the security [forces]. We were arrested, but later released.... We have different support from different persons, but we are aiming at one goal. The goal is to go back to Ivory Coast to fight when we are called upon from [his gold mining camp].

Neither the police officer involved in the raid nor a Grand Gedeh county prosecutor interviewed by Human Rights Watch could explain why they lacked evidence to bring charges since both believed firmly the men had been planning to carry out an attack.

A Tempo resident, who works in a border gold mining camp, blamed the police's lack of experience in investigating such issues as well as residents' fear in denouncing those involved:

This is where the fighters were [first] interrogated... The security personnel don't know how to investigate issues like this, so they made the situation [look] false when it was true. These guys talk about their training camp in our territory, we know where it is, but we can't say it, because we fear for our safety and our mining activities.... They have guns you have not even seen before and some of us are now planning to move from here to find a better location for our mining.

Child Soldier Recruitment

Human Rights Watch documented the recruitment of Liberian boys for recent and future attacks on Ivorian villages. The scale of child recruitment was unclear. However, several Liberian residents as well as a 17-year-old fighter described the recruitment effort, which they said was led in part by "Bush Dog." Residents said they had seen children - recruited from villages and towns near the Ivorian border - in training camps and returning from recent cross-border attacks.

A 17-year-old Liberian near Tempo who was recruited to fight with armed militants hostile to the Ivorian government told Human Rights Watch that he took part in at least one cross-border raid. He said other boys around his age had also been recruited and fought:

They call us "small boys unit" and we are always safe when we go to the war zones in Ivory Coast. I am a Liberian and I never fought the Liberian wars, but I am going to Ivory Coast to help my friends, whatever they want us to do for them. I have [carried out] some attacks with my unit, and we were able to succeed by knowing the territory. I don't know the total that we have killed.... In this mission, we have our bosses who train us and follow us to the field. The bosses are Bush Dog and Oulaï Tako....

A 25-year-old resident near Tempo said that he had seen boys ages 14 to 17 in a training camp in the area, as well as among those who returned from the April 25 attack. The Tempo resident said that he seen Bush Dog and Tako involved in the training camp from which boys have been sent to carry out cross-border attacks. Bush Dog has been previously linked with recruiting child soldiers. A 2005 report from the UN Panel of Experts noted: "UNMIL reported that on 22 March, MODEL General Amos Vleyee, also known as 'Bush Dog,' had recruited 10 children in Grand Gedeh County."

A 32-year-old trader from a town just outside Zwedru decried the failure of the Liberian authorities to respond to the recruitment of child soldiers:

There are so many things and activities that are happening in our communities that concerned citizens like me don't like. There are some guys in our community who have started recruiting small boys, who the police cannot allow to even ride motorbikes because of their age. Their age is between 14 and16 years. We have been complaining to the security [forces], but they are always saying they don't have evidence to prove it.

In 2004, Liberia signed, but has not yet ratified, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict. The protocol prohibits any recruitment of children under 18 by armed groups distinct from the armed forces of a state and obliges governments to take measures to prevent and criminalize such practices. The recruitment and use of child soldiers under 15 is also considered a war crime.

Plans for Further Attacks

The Liberian government's failure to investigate and prosecute those involved in cross-border attacks has appeared to embolden the pro-Gbagbo militants and the Liberians who support them to envision further attacks into Côte d'Ivoire. Several people involved with the armed groups, as well as residents in border villages, described arms caches and a clandestine training camp in the Konobo district of Grand Gedeh.

A 25-year-old Liberian, who lives near the border town of Tempo, told Human Rights Watch that the militants in that area speak openly about their intentions: "What we are observing now in this community is that most of the youth have real arms and ammunition in their possession and are talking of launching an attack on Côte d'Ivoire." Residents near the gold mining sites, where pro-Gbagbo militants have a particularly strong concentration, made similar statements.

Those plotting additional attacks appear to have established at least one training camp and to have stockpiled arms and ammunition. The 17-year-old Liberian, who had taken part in previous cross-border attacks, described the level of organization and support they receive:

Our [training] camp is located in Konobo district ... and we have arms and ammunition, food, medicines, and nurses that can take care of us when we have minor sickness. When the sickness is worse, and you need to be admitted and you are Liberian, then money will be available [from our supporters] and you will be transferred to the government hospital.

Several others involved in planning cross-border attacks described the Konobo training camp, in the same district where police officers had raided another camp in January. The area has dense vegetation and is near the Ivorian border. It also appears to be where a large quantity of weapons, brought from Côte d'Ivoire at the end of the crisis, is stored. A 33-year-old Liberian told Human Rights Watch: "The guns are kept in Konobo district, near the border areas."

In describing their motivations, most of the Ivorian militants speak of "revenge" - revenge for Gbagbo no longer being president, or, more often, revenge for killings and other abuses committed by pro-Ouattara forces in western Côte d'Ivoire. Both sides committed atrocities, including war crimes and likely crimes against humanity, in western Côte d'Ivoire. A 36-year-old at Sloman (also referred to as Solomon) gold mining camp, who said he had not fought with pro-Gbagbo forces during the crisis but had joined the plans for future attacks, explained his reasons:

My family members were killed by Ouattara's forces, and I am frustrated that [the crisis] forced me to leave Côte d'Ivoire and come to Liberia. Many of my [Ivorian] brothers have joined the Liberians in order to get revenge.... There are two possibilities: either we will kill them, or they will kill us.

The historical cross-border links between the Ivorian region of Moyen Cavally and the Liberian region of Grand Gedeh is crucial to understanding the continued role of Liberians. The Guérés in Côte d'Ivoire and the Krahns in Liberia, who are considered the "natives" in these regions, come from the same ethnic group. They speak a highly similar language, and extended families often cross national boundaries. MODEL, a rebel group from the later stages of the 1999-2003 Liberian civil war, was a predominantly Krahn fighting force that also included a significant number of Ivorian Guérés. Thus, while some Liberians expressed primarily financial reasons for mobilizing, citing the lack of jobs in Grand Gedeh, most spoke instead of vengeance and assisting those who fought with or housed them in the past.

A 45-year-old Liberian, who said he had been fighting in regional conflicts for more than a decade, explained his motivation and plans for larger-scale attacks:

We are helping [the pro-Gbagbo Ivorians], because they helped us during the time our war was ongoing and we need to help them in return.... Let no one fool you that the war is over in Côte d'Ivoire. Anytime from now, we are planning to launch an attack.... We have guns that we brought back from Côte d'Ivoire and other support that will help facilitate this process - businesses are established and the supply line is stronger than ever before.... Grand Gedeh alone had more than 12 unofficial entry points to Côte d'Ivoire, and we have access to them all.

Financial Support from People in Ghana, Côte d'Ivoire

Two Ivorians and one Liberian who had fought with pro-Gbagbo forces told Human Rights Watch they were receiving outside financial support for attacks into Côte d'Ivoire. The scale of the support was unclear, as were the specific financers, but those interviewed said that the money came regularly - monthly according to one interviewee. This system of regular financial assistance from people in neighboring countries suggests at least some level of organization among those committed to carrying out additional attacks, which have almost exclusively targeted civilians, according to the evidence documented by Human Rights Watch.

A 30-year-old from western Côte d'Ivoire, who fought with Gbagbo militia groups during the crisis, said that, in their effort to recruit and mobilize, "we are receiving support from [people in] Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, and Ghana." Two other former combatants, one Ivorian and one Liberian, likewise specifically mentioned receiving money from people in Ghana. Those interviewed by Human Rights Watch in Liberia would not provide the names of their financers. However, a 35-year-old former non-commissioned officer in the Ivorian military, now a refugee in Liberia, said, "Former fighters and former Ivorian politicians are all key players in these activities, making money and other resources available."

A number of high-level military and political leaders from the Gbagbo camp remain in exile in Ghana. Several of them - including the longtime Young Patriots militia leader, Charles Blé Goudé, and the former head of the gendarmerie's armored vehicle squadron, Jean-Noël Abéhi - are subject to arrest warrants by the Ivorian justice system. Ghanaian authorities have failed to arrest and extradite them. A May 8 article in Jeune Afrique, based on interviews with the pro-Gbagbo leaders in Ghanian exile, reported that many still speak of revenge and of toppling the Ouattara government. In its December 2011 report, the UN Panel of Experts discussed its concerns about external financial support for groups planning cross-border attacks from Liberia:

External financiers could seek to supply weapons and ammunition, which could be easily smuggled into Liberia using existing trafficking networks, such as those already used to trade in illegal Liberian gold and Guinean artisanal weapons.... Considering that the Ivorian crisis only recently ended and that the Ouattara Government has increasingly solidified military control, if such support for Liberian mercenaries and Ivorian militia from abroad does exist, it would likely be in its initial, "exploratory" and planning stage.

Gold Mining Indicative of Organization in Recruitment, Mobilization

At least scores of those involved in cross-border attacks are engaged in artisanal gold mining along the Liberian border. In interviews with Human Rights Watch, they spoke openly about using gold revenues to fund attacks into Côte d'Ivoire. The structure of the gold mine financing efforts demonstrates a level of organization among these armed militants.

Human Rights Watch visited five informal artisanal gold mining camps - CVI, Bentley, Golo, Dark Forest, and Sloman - along the Liberian-Ivorian border. Liberian and Ivorian former combatants worked side by side in these camps. Those interviewed said that the gold mining camps serve as bases for recruitment, mobilization, and the financing of violence in Côte d'Ivoire. A 30-year-old Ivorian in CVI mining camp said:

We came to CVI to mine gold to empower ourselves. The plan is to mine and sell gold to get money in order to get revenge against [pro-Ouattara forces] who killed our family members and burned our houses.... We are more than 45 Ivorians living in this mining camp, but only 37 have agreed to mine in the interest of this mission.... We have reorganized ourselves to go back with force this year.

The CVI miner's statement shows that not all of the gold miners there see mining as an opportunity to fund attacks; a minority of Ivorians had no "interest" in the "mission." In other mining camps, however, those who refuse to be recruited reported being threatened and forced off the land. A 27-year-old Liberian at Sloman gold mining camp told Human Rights Watch:

I have been at this mining camp since December 2011. Some of us came here to look for money to support our family ... but others have different intentions with the money they are receiving. I was here when some people came to this mining zone to recruit some youth for a mission at the border. All of us who refused to join them were driven away from the camp. They even threatened to kill us.

The statements of several armed militants involved in gold mining along the border indicate a command structure for collection of money potentially used to finance recruitment and mobilization. A 26-year-old Liberian mining at Dark Forest mining camp said:

[Revenge] can only be done when we're financially equipped. Liberian and Ivorian ex-combatants are working hand to hand in this mining zone. Gold is being found in abundance.... Our bosses always visit us here at night to carry away the gold.

People mining gold at a different camp mentioned the name of one the same "bosses," saying he came by frequently to collect the gold.

In addition to gold mining, some people involved in efforts to attack Côte d'Ivoire have used motorcycle transport to raise money for recruitment and mobilization. A 37-year-old Sierra Leonean, who had fought in wars in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d'Ivoire, said:

Fifteen motorbikes have been offered to us [by our bosses] for easy transportation, [as well as] phones for easier communication. These motorbikes are also used for commercial purposes to generate money for our mission.... All our guns are along the border with Côte d'Ivoire, kept safe while we're mining.