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Have you been thinking all along that we have been defending ourselves to you? We have been speaking in the sight of God as those in Christ; and everything we do, dear friends, is for your strengthening. (2 Corinthians 12:19)
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Towards a Comprehensive, Chronological Bibliography of Gordon Clark 11 Feb 2:42 PM (3 months ago)

The following are notes meant to accompany what is eventually intended to be a comprehensive, chronological bibliography of Gordon Clark recently posted here. The bibliography itself builds on one that Doug Douma created. Differences are as follows:

a) I've chronologized the list as best as I can. 

b) Where possible, I've linked to where one can find a public, searchable version of each work.

c) Much more Clark material has been found since Doug created his bibliography. I've also included known letters by Clark in the bibliography.

I was able to find online archives of The Presbyterian Guardian, The New ScholasticumChristianity Today, The Southern Presbyterian, The Presbyterian, Blue Banner Faith and Life, and publications by the Evangelical Theological Society. 

Some publications are not accessible online, like those from The Gordon Review, Christian Scholars Review, The Presbyterian, The Calvin Forum, the Reformed Presbyterian AdvocateBible Presbyterian Reporter, The Witness, and the American Scientific Affiliation. Other publications may be incomplete or have discrepancies, like The Home Evangel or The Evangelical Quarterly. 

Those with access to the publications I mentioned which cannot be found online might be able to find more undiscovered work by Clark. One example: a 1953 article ("On Social Security: A Rejoinder") mentions a February 1952 article on the same topic and by the same publication, The Witness. However, there is no one I know of who has access to the February 1952 issue, so it cannot be made publicly available. Other issues from The Witness might have even more articles, and the same is true for the other publications in the previous paragraph.

So while the bibliography is eventually intended to be as comprehensive as possible, there are more writings by Clark than contained in this bibliography. I have quite a lot of material from the J. Oliver Buswell library at Covenant Seminary in St. Louis that has yet to be included - probably pages worth of bibliographic material. This bibliography should more so be looked at as a first draft that satisfies one function of the bibliography within the scope of the larger project I have in mind: to allow interested parties to read and more easily follow the development of Clark's thought (link). 

Finally, as a work in progress, I would also like to make the entries more uniform in terms of formatting. I also imagine there are mistakes within the bibliography, which is 50+ pdf pages. If anyone finds something in need of correction, they are welcome to let me know.

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Gordon Clark: The Next War (The Presbyterian Guardian) 7 Feb 10:47 AM (3 months ago)

1944. The Next War. The Presbyterian Guardian. Mar. 10, Vol. 13, No. 5, 71-72.

When the present armed conflict ceases, another war now half concealed will become more evident. Quite obviously the economy of all nations will be strained or shattered. And in the wake of social dislocations, not to say chaos, nearly anything is likely to happen. 

One contender will be communism. This is certain, not merely because Russia will emerge from battle with glory, prestige, and power, but also because the communistic philosophy for years has been making its way into the thinking of a vocal minority of aggressive leaders. Communism has at least two easily recognized' advantages. First, it erects tangible, economic gains as the end of personal and national activity. Its materialistic view of good is quickly grasped by the least thoughtful of people while the more spiritual values of other philosophies are harder to appreciate. Second, communism can appeal to political leaders because it presents a detailed system of civilization. Not only does it advocate material values but also it implements itself with definite methods of procedure and works out its problems with the careful accuracy of a blueprint. Therefore the promises of comfort that communism makes to a ruined world are likely to be accepted at face value by despondent people. What matters it, they may say, if freedom. of religion and other intangible nonsense are lost? Religion is only an opiate anyhow. 

Strange as it may seem, the religious leaders of America, in spite of their pacifism and what used to pass for liberalism, abet the cause of communism. For years they have been as pink as scarlet fever, and it is improbable that a deeper , shade of red will cause them much anxiety. And in return, communism will not object too strongly to their form of opiate. Their "religion", a socialistic. and communistic philosophy, is entirely man-centered; and their large control of radio is an excellent screen for the silencing of the God-centered thought that seriously denies the supremacy of man. The modernist church will prate piously about the freedom of worship, and yet at the same time it will classify the freedom to practise religion as a form of class hatred. 

To combat this attack on Christianity, the first step is clear. The basic principles of a God-centered philosophy must be. vigorously asserted in opposition to the .man-centered or humanistic type of thought. Against the sovereignty of man the sovereignty of God must be boldly proclaimed. In place of material well-being, the spiritual values of Christianity must be put in first place. 

An assertion of basic principles, however, is far from sufficient to. stem the tide of humanism and communism. It is relatively easy to make belief in God appear plausible. A general theistic world-view and even an authoritarian revelation can be defended against the charge of inconsistency. However, when all this is done, the theistic world-view will not be convincing to the political, intellectual and social leaders of our day. And the reason that it will fail to convince is that basic principles alone cannot compete with basic principles plus an application in detail. If Christianity is to survive in any large way, the human task - always depending on God's grace - is to apply its principles to all phases of life. 

The radicals have their influential spokesmen in Washington with specific proposals to abridge the. freedom of religion and of the press, with specific, proposals to ruin the financial structure of our country, with specific proposals to alter the administration of justice. 

The Calvinistic Christian has the doctrine of total depravity and may even conclude that power in the hands of' one man or of a few is dangerous to public welfare. Fewer Calvinists have definite ideas on the gold standard. And are there any who can propose or criticise, on the basis of Christian principles, the more detailed points of law? Calvin cannot be accused of paying too little attention to theology, and yet he did not neglect the politics of Geneva. His. descendants today do not need less theology but they do need a Calvinistic law school. 

While the law is important, it is but an illustration of a general need. Another illustration, less pressing though more pleasant, is found in art. The Calvinist has the doctrine of common grace to explain the artistic ability of painters, sculptors, writers, and musicians. But where is the Christian theory of aesthetics, or where is Christian art-criticism? Art is a part of Cod's world - it has its place and purpose. But are these studied and understood by the Christian? Communism has made a rather specific use of art. No one can fail to see the communistic view of American' history in the works of Diego Rivera. This may be the use of art rather than aesthetic theory, but can the Calvinist compete on either score? 

The mention of history reminds one that the great Augustine outlined a Christian philosophy of history. Has it been developed and expanded? Evolution is an antichristian theory of biology - and of sociology too. Are there Christian alternatives, not merely in basic principle but in concrete detail? 

The need of a comprehensive Christian philosophy, shown by these illustrative examples, has been recognized at times. In the Stone lectures of 1898-99 Abraham Kuyper not only saw the need but took steps to meet it. The lectures are excellent, but unfortunately their greatest excellence is that they point out how much has been left undone. Kuyper's chapters are no more than a meager beginning. 

How can this beginning be continued? The educated leadership of the country has passed through an education that is basically and in detail opposed to Christianity. Most Christians are unaware of the extent to which they themselves have received pagan ideas. Practically everything that appears in print is in the broad sense humanistic. Such a situation shows clearly what is needed. A center of Christian learning must be established in which investigation in all fields of study will be pursued. A Christian college is not sufficient. Several Christian colleges exist at the present time. Some do respectable work; some are rather incompetent. A list of the faculty's publications is the, criterion. And there is enough room in the country for other Christian colleges, if they are to be competent. But the greater need is the need of a university. This includes a law school, as the preceding remarks have indicated; it must include a graduate school for the granting of the doctorate; and it must be administered by a faculty which through research, mutual criticism, and publication will develop the philosophy to coordinate Christian thought and action. 

Conservative Protestantism has shown all too little zeal in defending, the faith. A defeatist attitude induces surrender before the world's problems. Some supposedly devout fundamentalists openly advocate withdrawing into their little groups and refraining from meeting scholarly opposition The Romanists have adopted a different course. They give evidence of being deeply convinced of the truth of their system, and they are not too lazy to expand it by well-written volumes. They have their centers of learning and they have an organized body of knowledge. Roman zeal puts the fundamentalists to shame, and Roman gains imperil our Christian liberties. 

Since Protestantism is already so far behind in the race, no additional time should be lost. The recently announced temporary committee to form a Christian University Association should proceed as quickly as possible to charter a corporation, to collect subscriptions, equipment, and a library, and to recruit a competent and fully qualified faculty. Then, when the present armed conflict ceases, the Christian university would be ready to open its doors and wage successful war in the battle for God-centered truth.

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Energetic Objections 5 Feb 5:42 PM (3 months ago)

I came across the Energetic Processions channel recently and took some time to listen to a few videos lodging objections to Protestantism on justification. It's a three and a half hour video, so I'm going to pick on just a few things the Eastern Orthodox panel mention. This originally was a longer post, but I already cut and published certain material in other posts, not all of which I can remember. For one example, though, see Robinson's comments at 52:20 in the video, which I address here and touch on again here).

One of the participants, Cyril Jenkins, says: 

The Bible's not a systematic theology. And systematics kind of has its place, but I would think only long after historical theology and biblical theology have done their work and that's that's not really what Calvinism largely is at all.

Setting aside the Eastern Orthodox professor's presupposition against sola scriptura in his prioritization of historical theology (a point Steve Hays dealt with long ago), fascinating about this is that Seraphim Hamilton - the young man in the video whose debate was being reviewed - self-admittedly owes much of his learning to the Calvinist theologian James B. Jordan, whom Seraphim has described as providing an "ocean of biblical material. It's a kind of a crash course in the whole Bible" (link). It's a shame Seraphim had dipped out of the conversation by this point, or he might have mentioned this to them. 

Likewise, Seraphim has favorably mentioned Peter Leithart's book A House for My Name. I'm probably missing other references, but Meredith Kline, Geerhardus Vos, Warren Gage, G. K. Beale, J. V. Fesko, etc. are a few other leading figures in biblical theology with whom Jenkins might want to become familiar.

Earlier in the discussion, an Eastern Orthodox pastor (De Young) offered the following comment on a lexical argument made by a debate opponent to Seraphim Hamilton on the topic of justification.

One of the the real issues especially with the Reformed approach to this is, as you said, they're going to Greek Lexicon and they're only talking about the New Testament. And a lot of this stuff really falls apart when you get into the Old Testament. And it's not a place where they really want to go, and so as a general future reference, you know, kind of dragging them there... I mean just as one example - as one example - the bit that he would consider Old Testament that's closest in time to the New Testament that talks about justification is Daniel 8:14. And that's where in the Aramaic, Daniel talks about the temple being trampled underfoot for a period of time, at which point the temple will be justified. It's tsadeq in Aramaic, and that is so clearly talking about cleansed, purified, re-established, right? Put back in order right? Any English translation you look at translates it that way.
De Young's intimation is that the justification has an ontological aspect to it along the lines of what EO espouses. Let's compare that to how James B. Jordan translates Daniel 8:14 - And he said to me, "Until evening morning two thousand and three hundred; and a sanctuary will be vindicated." Jordan argues:
The period of time from sometime in 64 A.D. to the destruction of the Temple in A.D. 70 is about seven years, or just short of it. This period fits well with 2300 days, taken literally. During this time, a wicked host of priests performed the Continual, after usurping it from the righteous, from the Chief of chiefs. During this time also, both a (new) sanctuary, the Church, and its host (pastors) were trampled and persecuted in the Great Tribulation. After this time, the new sanctuary (the Church) was vindicated by the destruction of the Temple, Jerusalem, and the apostate Circumcision wherever they were. (The Handwriting on the Wall, pg. 437)
According to Jordan, then, De Young is suggesting the apostate temple order was "cleansed, purified, re-eastablished" when, in fact, it was destroyed (70 A.D.)! In contrast, Jordan's biblical-theological interprets the destruction of the apostate temple (vs. 13) as not only not cleansing or transforming the new, antitypical temple of the church (vs. 14), rather, the former (vs. 13) vindicates the latter (vs. 14).

While Young's Literal Translation of Daniel 8:14 is rather wooden, its translation of וְנִצְדַּ֖ק as "declared right" undercuts the Eastern Orthodox pastor's contention regarding English translations. This is even more ironic in that after he criticized Seraphim's opponent for apparently failing to exegete the proof-texts he offered during the debate, De Young does the very same thing. 

If De Young is willing to attempt to rebut Jordan's interpretation with an interpretation situated within a biblical-theological context, I should like to see it. Note EO apologists are even relying on Jordan - to repeat, a dastardly Calvinist! - to such an extent that they're using their own money to translate his commentaries (link). 

By the way, I mention Jordan so much because I think he could be an important figure in future dialogues, not just with EOs, but with others. I indicated as much four years ago when I mentioned him as only one of two examples (the other being Gordon Clark, of course) of someone worth researching (link) before I discussed how I recommended going about research. He appeals to many people whose faiths differ from his own. Even those who view him as dangerous seem to find some comments of his insightful. 

Moving on, a final comment is on the extreme opposition the EOs in the video have to the idea Reformed believers can have assurance of their own salvation. I'll skip over but note in passing a particularly out of place (and certainly fallacious) reference in the video to deathbed anecdotes as evidence that Calvinists have no assurance. This type of manipulation is not qualified to be called apologetics. 

Here is Robinson at minute mark 2:22:29:
On the reformed view can you know that you're elect? How? There's nothing external that happens in the world that's inconsistent with you being reprobate. There's nothing internal to you in terms of your thoughts or states of your soul that are that's inconsistent with you being reprobate. All of your data is consistent with you being elect or reprobate. There's nothing you can point to - "Oh, I have faith." Well, I can't have your toothache, right? So it's not like I can take my experience of having faith and compare it to your experience of having faith and say, "Ah, see, mine's genuine."

I find this objection very weak. Robinson is suggesting that we need to be able to compare experiences of faith to have assurance of which is genuine. But where did he find that as a criterion of assurance? Why can't I compare my experience to what the definition of faith just is: understanding of, assent to, and trust in the gospel of Jesus Christ? 

Does Robinson think he needs to compare himself to other dental patients to determine if he has a toothache? Did Adam need to ask anyone else if he heard God correctly in Genesis 2? Does Robinson not realize he has just prevented members of his own faith from having assurance? EOs can no more compare their experiences of toothaches than can Reformed believers. Here is what Gordon Clark has to say of Robinson's illustration (link):

Since two people cannot have the same sensation, for my toothache is not yours, two people never sense the same thing. Each person lives in a separate world of his own perceptions. Therefore whatever a man thinks is true, that is true for him, and no one else can judge. This is the theory of relativism, the denial of fixed, eternal truth.
Perhaps Robinson projects his own experience while he believes he was a Calvinist onto Calvinism itself (minute mark 2:11:28ff.). He struggled with assurance, asking himself whether his faith was "great enough" - there are, unfortunately, a minority of Reformed believers who do teach that assurance is of the essence of saving faith, and these men can have the tendency of pushing younger men and women into doubt. See the last link in this post where I specifically refute one such person. Robinson's experience is sad, but it cannot be taken as the marker for what Reformed theology actually is.

Another point Robinson makes involves Calvin (minute mark 2:23:09):

You look at Hebrews 6. What Calvin says there - Calvin says that God actually begins the process of regeneration in the reprobate and then withdraws it so that they feel like they're actually being regenerate and so that they end up falsely believing. Well, let's put aside God's moral character as a question at that point. Let's ask the question of, "Okay how do I discriminate between that situation and mine?" I don't know how Calvinists have any Assurance at all. Zero. Goose egg.
We can set aside the point that Calvin is but one exegete. It isn't necessary to make this observation (see below), so I only do so because I know - but readers might not - that this would just lead to EOs begging the question: "if we don't respect what the [alleged] founder of our religion says, then that says it all about his and your religion itself, huh?" 

It's an escape-hatch EOs (and RCs) use if they can, especially if they see no other way out of a conversation in which they no longer wish to participate: make Calvin to be the straw head of a straw man, call the man "Reformed theology," and chop off Calvin (Luther/Protestantism, etc.). A recipe for frustration on the part of the Reformed believer, unless he is willing to let lies and nonsense go. 

This is often called for and recommended. Knowing for yourself that Reformed theology is based on God's revelation is enough. Not every misrepresentation or bad argument should be responded to. There are better things to do.

Anyway, I believe Robinson is referring to Calvin's comments on verse 4 here:

God indeed favors none but the elect alone with the Spirit of regeneration, and that by this they are distinguished from the reprobate; for they are renewed after his image and receive the earnest of the Spirit in hope of the future inheritance, and by the same Spirit the Gospel is sealed in their hearts. But I cannot admit that all this is any reason why he should not grant the reprobate also some taste of his grace, why he should not irradiate their minds with some sparks of his light, why he should not give them some perception of his goodness, and in some sort engrave his word on their hearts. Otherwise, where would be the temporal faith mentioned by Mark 4:17? There is therefore some knowledge even in the reprobate, which afterwards vanishes away, either because it did not strike roots sufficiently deep, or because it withers, being choked up.

Robinson's argument is epistemic: two people experience different things (regeneration vs. taste of grace), yet they cannot distinguish themselves (regenerate vs. unregenerate). Thus, assurance is impossible. So goes the argument.

Firstly, I missed where Robinson got the idea Calvin says God "begins the process of regeneration in the reprobate and then withdraws it." Calvin's first line seems like a fairly straightforward statement to the contrary.

Secondly, does Calvin consider the reprobate to be believers or unbelievers at the time they taste God's grace? If the former, that would make him Augustinian. That would be inconsistent with Reformed theology and indeed undercut Calvin's ability to be assured (cf. link below)... but it would also in turn undercut Robinson's appeal to Calvin insofar as Robinson would no longer be objecting to Reformed theology. 

Now, if the latter - reprobates are never believers - do they ever believe they are? If not, there is no dilemma. If so, then (just as importantly) what are their epistemic grounds for the belief? We are returned to: do these people understand, assent, and trust in the gospel of Jesus Christ? Since we've assumed they are not believers at this point, the answer is no. So it is just a matter of discerning what they misunderstand or reject about the gospel.

These are questions which can't be skipped over, yet are. This is also where the "toothache" illustration turns out to be handy. It is true that I can never experience someone else's toothache or alleged experience of faith. That just means I can't have [infallible] assurance about their salvation, not mine. It also means I may remain ignorant about just what others are having trouble with when it comes to the gospel. Again, though, that has nothing to do with my faith in the gospel and whether I can be assured.

This might turn us to questions about how someone can know he is not ignorant of what saving faith entails. Having myself written a rather long excursus which preemptively answers most of the objections about assurance in the video and goes more deeply into the doctrine, I'll leave this link for those who want to read more, as we're turning more to the question of what is saving faith and less to whether Reformed assurance is possible.

But I will just remind readers that while we are called to full assurance, such not necessary to be saved. This is not to diminish the importance of assurance, but the author of Hebrews also recognizes a hierarchy of foods, some of which are more foundational to others. Assurance is typically something that comes with maturity in faith, and it can also be lost as well as be found again. 

This is not so on Eastern Orthodoxy. These men must admit that they could apostatize from the faith. Therefore, while they may say they are assured now, they cannot with boldness claim that when Jesus returns, they will be found with him. They note that any "divorce" (apostacy) can only initiated by themselves. Okay, are they that confident about themselves? Minute mark 2:26:31:

I'm in control of whether or not I decide to turn my back on Christ. Again, I'm totally capable of it. I do it in small ways all the time, right? But as long as I keep coming back, I know he's not going to turn his back on me.
"As long as I..." is not comforting to one stuck in sin. This almost comes off as cavalier. In their minds, their wills are decisive in salvation, not God's. I really do find it strange that they brought this topic up when it is so clear that what they offer is not the full assurance to which we are called: 

Colossians 4:12 Epaphras, who is one of you, a servant of Christ Jesus, greets you, always struggling on your behalf in his prayers, that you may stand mature and fully assured in all the will of God.

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More Thoughts on Necessitarianism 5 Feb 1:36 PM (3 months ago)

Many years ago, I noted in passing that I had rethought my position on necessitarianism (link), the view that everything that happens [or is] could not have happened [or be] otherwise: the way all things are is the only way all things could have been. The catalyst for my reconsideration was wondering whether what flaws I had discovered in certain aspects of Gordon Clark's metaphysics extended to this position as well, for while Clark rejected necessitarianism earlier in his life - as seen, for example, in the following quote - he accepted it later (link):
Christian theologians have commonly pointed out that creation as a voluntary act is incompatible with Hegelian philosophy. Hegel can very sincerely say that the world depends on God or the Absolute, and to this extent he sounds like a Christian, but Hegel continues as no Christian can and adds that the Absolute conversely depends on the world. This mutual dependence is essentially pantheism. No single thing by itself, the Sun, the Moon, or John Doe, is God but the whole, not in its plurality but in its unity, is God. God and the universe are one reality. Barth’s rejection of this mutual dependence, of this reciprocity between whole and part, is clear cut: “God would be none the less God if he had not created a world and man. The world’s existence and our existence is no wise essentially necessary to God, even as the object of his love” (I, 1, 158) (Karl Barth’s Theological Method, 1997, pg. 36 – original date of publication: 1963)

[As an aside, Clark's early acceptance of ethical and perhaps even alethic voluntarism (link) - on which God's justice and truth are defined by what God indeterminatively does - are totally irreconcilable with necessitarianism].

Formerly, I could not see how necessitarianism leads to pantheism. It seemed to me that a necessitarian could relatively consistently hold that "creation is not consubstantial with the Father because the Father did not [and, therefore, could not... have willed to] communicate His nature to creation" (link). That is, while a necessitated creation might share some attributes with God, it wouldn't share others (omniscience, for example) and, therefore, wouldn't be consubstantial. 

As I see it now, the question of whether theistic necessitarianism entails pantheism seems to turn on to what extent individuation is possible if all things are, as necessitarianism seemingly entails, internally related. Does necessitarianism entail monism, as Amy Karofsky argues? Gordon Clark agrees:

Now, first, the brief intellectual biography at the beginning noted that Russell early renounced Hegelianism and became an empiricist. This change started with an attack on Bradley’s, and Hegel’s, theory of internal relations and the substitution of an atomic theory of external relations. The former, holding that everything is implicated in everything, results in an absolute monism. The definition of cat, for example, is part of the definition of dog, and also of Betelgeuse. (Modern Philosophy, 2008, pg. 174)

As Karofsky puts it, "The essence of one thing contains the essence of every other" (The Case for Necessitarianismpg. 143). If Karofsky is right, the arguments I make here would require her to be omniscient to know anything. 

Upon further reflection, though, even if she did claim to be omniscient, due to the sort of monism for which she argues, her position reduces to skepticism anyways for the simple fact that do not claim to be omniscient. Further, if "her" mind "contains" "my" mind - if there is even a meaningful way, on such a reductionistic monism, to individuate between the two - that would suggest quite the solipsistic cognitive dissonance!

Further, if monism results from necessitarianism such that there is only one truth or essence, whence the appearance of change or plurality? Clark:
Now I don’t want to bore you by reading what you can read yourself but this is very important and it would be well to read it over several times because there have been, since Parmenides’ day, types of monism, where being is one, but I guess there has never been such an absolute monism as that of Parmenides. From this point on, those who had been monists had always tried to smuggle in a little plurality and we shall see that later on. (link)
On a Parmenidean monism, there is neither time nor change: not even a non-directional C theory. There is no distinction between contingentarians and necessitarians: they are one. There is no such thing as arguments: premises and conclusions are the same. 

Now let's compare Parmenides to Karofsky, who says that 
Although I do think that contingentarians should change their view and alter their contingentarian beliefs, I do not take that to mean that the future is open and not necessitated. The claim that one ought to change and alter their beliefs does not entail that there are two possible futures; instead, when a person changes a belief, that merely means that they held it at some earlier time and rejected it later. Change is consistent with necessitarianism; all change occurs necessarily (pg. 152)
Here is the smuggle. At least Wittgenstein acknowledged he threw away the ladder he climbed. Karofsky uses concepts of time, change, distinctions between contingentarians and necessitarians, etc. - this is not reconcilable with her claim at the end of the book, viz. "I will continue to follow Parmenides' route on which it is..." (pg. 159). And again, see here:
....given the monism that I defend, there are neither individual moments nor individual causes and events; instead, there is a singular, continuous flow of movement and change, and we merely posit “moments,” “causes,” and “events” as a way of articulating and communicating certain ways that we perceive the world to be working. (pg. 154)
Can Karofsky define define "time" without there being individual events? No. Can she define "change" or "flow of movement" consistent with Parmenides' route? No. How Karofsky seems to think of "change" is purely epistemic, a way "we" order the working of the world. But on monism, there is no "we." There is no distinction between us and the world. That is, our (i.e. Karofsky's) articulations and communications and posits are false:
I take it that necessitarianism probably does entail monism and all of the aforementioned monist theses. But it also seems to me that monism can be shown to be plausible, especially in comparison to the difficulties faced by pluralistic theories... The monist account that I have in mind seems to be similar to the ontological monism and blobjectivism that Horgan and Potrč defend. I take it that there is only one reality that is the whole universe, a universe that does not have any genuine parts. And, as I articulated in this section, I believe that there is just one true proposition that is the statement of the entire universe that is the combination of all of the statements that are true. But it also seems to me that there are simple expressions of the one statement, like: there is one reality that is the universe, X =X, and it is. Such expressions are complete and true, but they are not distinct statements; rather they are different ways of expressing the one true proposition, the truthmaker for which is the ultimate existence fact, namely the way that the one reality—the universe—is, where, the is in that claim indicates that the universe: exists, is in fact the case, is real, is such as it is, and that propositions that correspond to it are true (pgs. 139, 144) 
"One reality" "that does not have any genuine parts," "difficulties faced by pluralistic theories," and the like are the closest Karofsky comes to admitting the fully orbed nature of Parmenidean monism. But these are precisely what makes the Parmenidean "route" of "it is" entail no change. For what "flow of movement" can there be other than "from-to"? But there is not really a "genuine" distinction between "from" and "to" given the monism described above. Likewise with change: there can be no "genuine" distinction between and "earlier" or "later" time. The smuggle has been busted.

Now, even if a theistic necessitarian could avoid monism and pantheism, I've argued here that they would nevertheless be caught on the other horn of a dilemma, and a horn which still involves, as Clark mentions above, the problem of mutual dependency. If divine sufficiency is an essential distinction between the Creator and creature (Acts 17:24-25; John 5:26; 2 Corinthians 2:14-16, 3:4-6, 9:8, 12:8-10), then any position which involves mutual dependency between Creator and creation would be problematic.

This is a presuppositionalist reply to necessitarianism. Other arguments - such as those which might be found in contemporary literature - may be less well-founded. For example, I don't have much issue with Amy Karofsky's first chapter on bad arguments for contingentarianism. I agree with her "that there cannot be any empirical evidence in support of contingentarianism because there cannot be any experience of what is never-actual" (The Case For Necessitarianism, pg. 31). 

We only experience the world as it actually is, so it does not make sense to use our experience as grounds for a world that could be otherwise. That is, a posteriori knowledge cannot suffice to rule out necessitarianism, and philosophers who argue to this effect are wrong for doing so. 

Other arguments she mentions in the same chapter - those grounded in "probability," "intuition," "majority opinion," and "contingency-talk" or the way we use language - are also rather weak. I think philosophers who use these arguments tend to conflate metaphysics with epistemology, overly inflate the value of opinion, or trade on our epistemic limitations. To what extent these sorts of fallacious reasonings represent how contemporary philosophers defend contingentarianism, I don't know. Karofsky's work appears well-documented, at least. Nonetheless, I found none of the arguments presented in the entire chapter for contingentarianism to be persuasive.

I think this illustrates one way in which a presuppositionalist or foundationalist can argue a priori knowledge is foundational for a posteriori knowledge. I imagine that many empiricists or scientists would balk at the suggestion that the world could not have been otherwise. If so, however, could they provide reasonable pushback against Karofsky with purely empiricist reasoning? If they can't, might this not persuade them to re-examine their epistemic presuppositions?

There aren't too many other arguments which need addressing. Foremost would be the two mentioned at the end of this post which deal with time and immutability. These topics being so complicated in themselves (and anyone can read my posts with the "Time" tag to see that I've wrestled with this), I can only be brief: 

The "succession" and time argument - "Making God's knowledge contingent on a 'free' choice... requires a succession of ideas in His mind" - depends on Clark's definition of time and can probably be dealt with just by defining time a different way, such as "the chain of secondary effects from secondary causes." This would protect eternal generation as well as timeless divine omniscience, for example. Most debates about time seem to turn on how one defines it, and this seems as satisfying a definition as I've seen. It might still requires some nuance for cases such as justification depending on saving faith but not being temporally subsequent to it, but I don't think such a point requires pause concerning the whether the definition is felicitous.

The immutability argument - "God's knowledge could be other than it actually is also contradicts His immutability" - conflates God's being and activity (see my discussion of divine knowledge as divine activity under the Horton subsection here). God's ability to do or know otherwise does not entail that He would be otherwise. There is also the question of divine immutability within a broader scope, especially given the incarnation (link).

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Clark's Critics II 4 Feb 5:11 PM (3 months ago)

This is a post in which I hope to round out some commentary on OPC critics of Gordon Clark. As I said in a recent and similar post (link; here and here are the other posts I've written), I cannot now dedicate time to responding to every such critic. Some men's material is book-length (at minimum). I am satisfied by my present efforts, though, and I look forward either to writing posts on other subjects or, as I really should be doing, returning to my transcription efforts on unpublished works of Clark, which have been slack. Below, I'll be analyzing works by Charles Dennison, Michael Horton, and John Muether.

Charles Dennison

The first critic with whom I'll interact is Charles Dennison, author of History of a Pilgrim People. I'll not repeat Robbins' critiques of this book (link). I recommend link two in paragraph 1 above for more information on the accurate timeline involving the "program of action." 

I'll point out Robbins writes that some things in Dennison's book are "helpful" - as do I - as high praise as I think I've ever heard Robbins say of one who sides with Van Til rather than Clark. Generally, this is a book with quality information. I had to borrow a copy from an OPC friend and take numerous pictures, since no copies were available for below $125. I do hear it is being reprinted, however, which could explain the drop in price of currently available, used copies.

Dennison doesn't downplay the importance of the theological issues and offers some counter-historical claims to Frame's assertion that Van Til and Clark misunderstood each other; later, Muether will as well. He is certainly more measured than the authors mentioned in my last post, although like them (and just as Robbins says), he too nearly always fails to footnote a primary source for his more challenging intimations regarding Clark. 

Thus, there are gaps. For example, Dennison tries to explain how the accusation that Clark was a hyper-Calvinist could have been correct given his OPC cohorts (e.g. Robert Strong, Richard Gray). They apparently "looked past his theological positions" (pg. 134). No evidence or specificity is given for or to any of this.

Most of what Dennison has to say about the 1940s debate is extremely short. Dennison also does not note that Clark not only distinguished God's knowledge and man's knowledge quantitatively but in respect to mode (pg. 133). He mentions Clark's view of the primacy of the intellect as one of the inciting issues and that for Van Til (emphasis mine), "Man's knowledge is like (analogous to) God's knowledge but it is not the same" (pg. 133). I'll discuss these topics later, under a different author, below.

What cannot be missed is that Dennison pictures Clark as a "front man" (his words) for a larger network of OPC churchmen who wished "to bring the church back to an American Presbyterianism of an evangelical stripe" (pgs. 133-134). Now, where the idea of a "front man" comes from, I don't know - it isn't footnoted in any author I've read who has made the claim. I do, however, recommend the following writings by Clark - written around the time of the controversy - so readers can see if they find anything objectionable or anti-Reformed about his position on Christianity and culture: link, link ("The Next War"). 

Dennison's thesis - a negative view of the so-called "evangelical stripe" defended by Clark et al. - depends on his view of Machen (and our relationship to him) being correct: "Because we in the OPC lack a cultural tie, we lack an indigenous American identity and a route to larger appeal. This cross has been difficult first us to bear. So far we have been unwilling to abandon it, possibly because we sensed our relationship to Machen would never be the same if we did" (pg. 7). 

What of North's interpretation of Machen (see my last post)? And are we really going to suggest we should follow Machen in all respects? Dennison doesn't (pg. 13ff.), and North's book shows Machen had his faults. I'm also somewhat skeptical of the idea that OPC churchmen dwell on their "relationship" to Machen concerning this whole question. 

There are a few ways of framing the issue. One is to ask, as Dennison does, are we better off "culturally disenfranchised," without an "establishment identity" (pg. x)? For example, can the church without this identity "better declare God's word? advise foes? manifest a true catholicity? be a servant in the world for the sake of the Savior whose kingdom is not of the world? If it can, we dare not shrink from such a liberation..."? 

Wait - what if it can't? A church can always serve in the ways Dennison describes, but I've noticed a persistent theme in OPC literature on this point: to leave questions about whether cultural engagement is better or not in the hypothetical and to assume the very point at issue. What if our being honest about the horrors of sin that are perpetuated, regulated, or even legislated and enforced in our country enables us to "better declare God's word" et al.? 

If Dennison considers his position a liberation, what would he consider this hypothetical requirement? Or, what is the antonym of liberation? Since I can speak in hypotheticals as easily as Dennison, if the church is, say, supposed to speak (to political representatives, even!) and act on behalf of the oppressed in society, wouldn't it be quite ironic for Dennison to think of the hypothetical requirement I'm presenting as itself oppressive? 

What are the best arguments Dennison has? One is a series of rhetorical questions. From pg. 40: "...in the culture, is [the church] to dominate? Take over? Is she the purveyor of some sort of religious imperialism? Or is she to seek marriage with the culture and become indistinguishable from it?" These hyperboles are quite a far distance, though, from Dennison's original contention that "Simply put, the OPC has no cultural or social agenda" (pg. 7). 

A better argument, I think, would be to bring to the forefront what some OPC theologians have alluded to but not explored deeply when it comes to this topic: eschatology. Dennison notes that it was linked to "the new Westminster apologetic" (pgs. 111ff.) by Buswell, but Dennison too seems to leave the point to others to debate and discover. I'm speaking here of the implicit amillennialism of a number of authors whom I have mentioned have written about or commentated on this topic. I mentioned one framing of the issue earlier, here is another: is this being argued as a part of our denominational identity? 

If so, it needs to be made explicit. Further argumentation would be also needed that amillennialism encourages some kind of ecclesiastic invisibility or silence. Whereas Dennison views his position as liberating, I would think ecclesiastic freedom to speak and act on current, cultural events would be more liberating. The OPC has even seemingly done this prior to the time of Dennison's publication (link).

Muether and Hart do at least make explicit, in Fighting the Good Fight, that "the leaders of the OPC fully embraced the teaching of amillennialism as the view on Christ’s return most consistent with Scripture." Muether and Hart are referring to the Westminster faculty of the time. But I don't find any clear indication that amillennialism was a mark of the OPC's identity. Clark rejected amillennialism as a founding member and leader, although he accepted that "In this world the Christian is a pilgrim and a stranger" (Readings in Ethics, 1931, chapter on Early Christianity). 

It is obviously not in the scope of this post to attempt to answer which eschatological view is more or less true. There is another wrinkle here, however: dispensational premilennarians split from the OPC in 1937. Granted, they left for reasons not exclusive to eschatology, but when they formed the Bible Presbyterian Church, the former OPC members who split off made changes to the Westminster Standards "to reflect the premillennial doctrine held by the founders of the synod" (link).

Clearly, eschatology had some role in the 1937 split. This could be taken to mean the OPC had a distinctive eschatological identity after all, or it could simply mean the OPC by and large rejected the pretribulational premillennarian (and often dispensational) theology of those who left. The latter seems more likely to me, since, as the Bible Presbyterian Church members themselves implicitly acknowledged by attempting to reformulate them, the Westminster Standards as accepted by the OPC don't specify one millennial position as correct.

Either way, Clark's recommendation to become a member in the American Council of Christian Churches, stated at the OPC's twelfth general assembly (link), was a recommendation to regarding a council founded by the leader of those who split off from the OPC in 1937 to help form the Bible Presbyterian Church: Carl McIntire (see Dennison's chapter on Tragedy). 

Clark was, of course, also formerly employed by his friend, J. Oliver Buswell, another OPC member who split with McIntire in 1937 - who is credited with partially convincing Clark of premillennarianism by the time he was hired at Wheaton College (where Buswell was president), in 1937. Although Clark remained in the OPC and maintained a fundamentally different position on premillennialism than the Bible Presbyterian Church members, the two remained in friendly correspondence.

In 1937, we see an indication of how members who were soon to split from the OPC perceived treatment against their views by who Muether and Hart regard as the leaders of the OPC. In a recorded statement from the third general assembly (link), we read: "Mr. Laird resigned from the Board of Westminster Seminary on April 27 because the seminary had in recent months turned from exposure and attack upon modernism to an attack upon premillennialism." 

The open question is whether eschatology was relevant to the 1940s OPC debate. In short, did these same leaders - the Westminster faculty - see it as a success when in Clark, another advocate (and perhaps advocates, depending on what were the eschatological views of others who left the OPC with Clark) for premillennialism left the OPC... or was this largely unrecognized as an after- or non-thought? 

A subject worthy of further research, I can only offer a few comments before I leave most of it for another time or person to pursue. Those interested are encouraged to pay careful attention to Dennison's chapter on Vos and the "otherworldliness" of the Christian religion (pg. 85ff.). Compare Daryl Hart, who uses the same language here and, as I recall, in his book on The Lost Soul of American Protestantism

The key question, I think, is what does the "not yet" part of history look like. In his last sentence to his chapter on Clark and others, Dennison says, the OPC "has been stamped with an other-worldliness and waits for further help as to how she, rather than seeking to regain the world she has lost, might be of service to her Lord in the world" (pg. 136). On and for what is the OPC waiting? 

It is true that Adam had a pre-redemptive eschatological goal and that Christ has already granted to His people eschatological blessings (pg. 85). But is the Christian religion "otherworldly" in the sense that we lose all touch with our life as pilgrims as we look to Christ's return? Dennison correctly notes that the "wholly-other" god of neo-orthodoxy "generated their own irrelevance" (pg. 100) - is he in similar danger here with respect to the church? 

Michael Horton

Horton's chapter on Clark and Van Til in Reason and Revelation: New Essays in Reformed Apologetics (link) was one I wasn't aware about until relatively recently. Diving in, Horton says:
In biblical thought, truth is not simply the correspondence of words to things—a mirror of the eternal forms. It is a stance taken in relation to reality as God’s creation and to oneself as God’s creature—which creature in the covenant of grace is rightly related (justified) and rightly ordered (by the new birth and sanctification) to God’s purposes for human flourishing (pg. 132).
I don't find this especially helpful as a definition of truth. Why couldn't one say that falsity is also "a stance taken in relation to reality as God’s creation and to oneself as God’s creature"? Further, to say truth is a stance taken is to imply it is taken by someone. Who? God? Creature? Both? Is "truth" such that whoever is taking the "stance," others might also know the same truth?

Horton begins to move in the direction of a critique of Clark in some preliminary historical exposition in which he alludes to "medieval theologies" that "affirmed divine transcendence and, consequently, denied noetic access to God's essence on the part of humans" (pg. 132). On the other hand, Horton also recognizes that John Duns "Scotus, among others, insisted upon at least some “univocal core” if our attribution of being to God and ourselves is to have any legitimate purchase (anticipating in some ways the famous Van Til—Clark debate)" (pg. 133). 

At the bottom of pg. 134, Horton begins a subsection on "Archetypal/Ectypal Theology, or, The Creator-Creature Distinction." Horton describes archetypal theology through Wolfgang Musculus, who said believers can neither "comprehend" nor have a "plain a perfect" knowledge of "the Majesty of God." There would be no argument from Clark on this point. 

More interesting was Horton's admission that nowhere (to his knowledge) does Van Til even use the terms "archetypal" or "ectypal" knowledge. That being the case, I didn't find it especially prudent to continue the article through this terminological lens, regardless of whether Horton thought the concepts were present. I suppose that's more so my opinion than an objection.

At any rate, I likewise found that archetype-ectype terminology was not used in the 1940s OPC debate until 1946 (see Puritanboard post 31ff. here), well after much debate already had taken place. The following is the first I can find that the terminology is used (link):
Were it true that Dr. Clark affirmed a propositional character of divine knowledge it would appear that he had made a temporal form fundamental to the archetypal knowledge of God, which would indeed be making truth fundamentally quantitative. The perfect unity of the knowledge of God would be subjected to a manifold of propositional units temporal in their character.
Unfortunately, missing in these conversations is the question, what is the definition of God's "knowledge" about which we are talking? I personally think "knowledge" (of the sort intended as referent in the 1940s debate) is propositional. On the other hand, I've argued that God Himself is not propositional, a set or collection of propositions, etc. 

Instead, then, I think propositions are part or the result of God's activity. Horton knows of an essence-energies distinction. The truth of some propositions may be part or the result of natural (necessary), divine activity - like truths about the Father, Son, and Spirit - whereas the truth of other may be part or the result of freely willed (contingent), divine activity - like the truth about whether or not God creates. In either case, all God's activity is eternal, and all propositions would be eternal.

That is my position. If it's wrong, I'll own it and be happy to learn the truth. But the position of the committee members of the above, OPC report - that propositions are temporal - appears nonsensical to me. Propositional truths (like those in Scripture) don't change. I can only gather, then, that just as whatever else first was created (and, therefore, temporal and contingent), propositions must, in their view, likewise have been immediately and completely created (and, therefore, temporal and contingent). 

That is, had God not created, there would have been no propositional truths. All propositions revealed to us in Scripture would have then been non-existent - even those truths which refer to that which was prior to creation. The absence of ectypal knowers would seem to mean the absence of ectypal knowledge (including propositions).

Now, this begs the question - that only ectypal knowledge is propositional. It really is just a prejudicing of the root of the epistemic question of the 1940s OPC debate: is there any qualitative overlap between the knowledge of God and man? The complainants suggested that there is not. There are a few responses in supply:

- The Son, according to His divinity (not humanity, although the speech is verbal if one wants to be technical), communicates to His divine Father regarding the glory they shared prior to creation, and He does so in terms of propositions. This is does after creation (and incarnation), but it suggests He could have done so beforehand too. It's not as if the divinity of the Son or Father changed after creation.

- If propositional knowledge requires ectypal knowers, then God could not know that which He reveals to us. On the other hand, if propositional knowledge does not require ectypal knowers, that can only mean God can know propositions as well as men. In that case, does He know them (in which case there is qualitative overlap in knowledge between God and man) or not (meaning He doesn't know that which He reveals to us)?

- What even is "archetypal knowledge" according to the OPC committee (complainants, etc.)? It is allegedly a "perfect unity." Does unity imply distinction? Is this an oblique reference to a theory of divine simplicity? In any case, these men can only speak of "archetypal knowledge" from the perspective of "ectypal knowledge" - where is their ectypal evidence, then, for their assertions about archetypal knowledge? 

More responses could be provided (see the Puritanboard link above - read on after post 31), but these are enough to show that those who protested against Clark's views are not without questions in need of answering. In fact, these questions and more have been asked in the past.

Horton's follow-up - in which he finally brings up Van Til - is baffling. He quotes a passage from Van Til's The Defense of the Faith to the effect that "Our knowledge of God is not and cannot be comprehensive," and then Horton immediately says of this, "In his debate with Gordon Clark, Van Til defended the classical Reformed insistence on this distinction" (pg. 136). 

Does he think Clark denied this? What is happening here seems to be an assuming of what needs to be proved: that the meaning of "comprehensive" is something more than the usual meaning of the word, that we cannot have complete or total knowledge of God. Like Dennison, Horton also fails to acknowledge that Clark stated God's mode of knowledge is different from ours. 

Later on the same page, Horton virtually gives the case back to Clark:
As far back as the Fourth Lateran Council, even the medieval church recognized that in ever analogy between God and humans, there is always more dissimilarity than similarity.
Granting this account is true, Clark's point is that there is similarity at all. Similarity (and analogy) presuppose univocity. Two things cannot be similar if there not any sort of overlap between them. But that's just to say that God is not completely Other, and neither is His knowledge. 

The creature is image, God is archetype. The knowledge of the creature is thereby analogous to the knowledge of the Creator. The previous sentences are true given what was just said in the last paragraph. It's when these sentences are stated without any definitions of key terms (or in defining key terms in a way that is self-refuting) that there is a problem. But this is just what Horton does on the next page:
...not even the glorified saints in heaven overcome the Creator-creature distinction in their epistemology any more than in their ontology.

All knowledge of God, therefore, is analogical rather than univocal. (pg. 137)
All of this is a non sequitur. Again, analogy presupposes univocity. No one denies that the Creator-creature distinction is not something to be "overcome" - it is a reality to be acknowledged - but so too must we recognize the Creator-creature overlap lest we follow the likes of Paul Tillich and fail to do justice to man as image of God. We not only empty the word "image" of meaning if we overemphasize our differences with God (innumerable as they are), we by extension unintentionally weaken other doctrines, like the Trinity (cf. the Son as image of the Father).

On pg. 138, in an argument against univocity, Horton suggests we cannot know anything as it is in itself. While cannot have comprehensive knowledge of anything, what Horton says sounds Kantian. Horton's support - which is to defer to Van Til's claim that our knowledge "must be paradoxical" - is anything but convincing, as I discussed in my last post. Horton also conflates what we know (univocally) with how we know it (by revelation vs. autonomously).

After a few pages discussing other theologians, Horton returns to Clark. He may be correct that "Clark was apparently unaware that there even was such a thing as Protestant scholasticism" (pg. 143). On the other hand, on the same page, one can compare Clark's own words to Horton's interpretation of them to see that Horton has badly misunderstood and misrepresented Clark. Here is Horton:
Professor Clark not only fails to properly define analogy; he conflates analogy with “metaphorical or symbolic” language as employed by “the adherents of the dialectical theology” (ibid.). Analogy is distinguished from metaphorical or symbolic approaches in that it affirms the literal truth of its language while not reducing the relation of the two terms to one of identity. The view that all religious language is metaphorical or symbolic is simply a hyper-allegorical view that has nothing in common with an analogical view. 
Here is what Clark actually says in the source material Horton cites (link):
Now Van Til's comment on Thomism is not that analogy is a fruitless expedient, but, quite the reverse, that Romanism does not take analogy seriously enough (p. 56). Romanism still retains too much, shall we say, univocity. Not Christian thought, but, says Van Til, "Non-Christian philosophies hold that human thought is univocal instead of analogical" (p. 65). In view of the fact that Romanism allows univocal predication in the sphere of science and of ordinary experience, Van Til's assertion is most easily understood to mean that univocal predication is impossible for man in any subject. In this Van Til shows a close affinity to neo-orthodoxy. The adherents of the dialectical theology teach that all language, or all religious language, is analogical, metaphorical, or symbolic. Not language only, but conceptual knowledge also. Intellectual knowledge, Es-Wahrheit, is only a pointer, a pointer to something that cannot be thought. Therefore creeds are not to be taken univocally or literally, but in some analogical and therefore undefined meaning.
Clark doesn't "define" analogy, he just outlines what dialectical theology teaches and compares that to "Van Til's assertion," "...most easily understood to mean that univocal predication is impossible for man in any subject." Horton's own statement that a true definition of analogy "affirms the literal truth of its language while not reducing the relation of the two terms to one of identity" doesn't go deep enough into the questions already asked regarding whether similarity and analogy presuppose overlap.

I have probably repeated myself too many times, but here is Horton's final reference to Clark, found in his conclusion:

Evangelical apologists (as well as biblical scholars, theologians, and pastors) are increasingly divided as to how to respond to the crisis of modernity. On one hand are those who apparently cling to the modern project, identifying the crumbling of autonomous foundationalism with the demise of truth itself, Many of these writers carry on the apologetic strategies of Gordon Clark, the medieval synthesis, or evidentialism—usually a combination of these.

But Christianity has never depended on the success or failure of the empires that wax and wane. The “crisis of Western civilization” is not the same as “the crisis of Christianity.” Reformed theology, as we have seen, has long been a critic of the idolatries of the former and can continue to guide our response to the current situation. (pgs. 147-148)

Perhaps some evangelical apologists rely on the apologetic of Clark et al. to respond to the "crisis of modernity." Does Horton mean to intimate these writers conflate said crisis with "the crisis of Christianity"? What if they didn't? Who are these nameless people? 

More importantly, Clark himself did not think "Christianity... depended on the success or failure of the empires that wax and wane." The following might almost be mistaken to be a direct response to Horton, except that Clark wrote it over 50 years beforehand:

It is true, I admit, that while rejecting Spengler's political theory and underlying philosophy, I agree that civilizations have come and gone, empires waxed and waned, and that the U.S.A. will probably not last forever; in fact I hold that our government has deteriorated considerably in the past twenty years; I hold too that the total depravity of man makes political deterioration inevitable and that the only permanent government will be the Kingdom of our Lord Christ. Perhaps this is cynical (i.e. snarling, contemptuous, misanthropic, pessimistic, and gloomy); modernists and humanists regularly say that it is; but I hold that it is unadulterated Christian truth. (link)

John Muether

One final critic I want to analyze is John Muether. I discussed his book co-authored with Daryl Hart in my last post. This one will look at his book, Cornelius Van Til: Reformed apologist and churchman (link). For that reason, this review will be disproportionately longer. Dennison's book covered the entire OPC's history, so Clark references were present but not as prolific. Horton's article was decidedly shorter, of course. 

Muether's book was informative in a few ways. For example, I didn't know Van Til was invited but declined to participate in Clark's festschrift (pg. 112). Also, this early comment caught my eye: 

Readers of Van Til are familiar with his genealogy of non-Reformed apologetics: Aquinas led to Bishop Butler’s analogy, which begot Charles Hodge, who produced Buswell and Clark. (pg. 56)
Clark would have been shocked to be told his apologetic forefather was Aquinas, a man whose apologetic he refuted repeatedly. This somewhat explains "the Butler type of analogy comment from Van Til's lecture cited in my last post on "Clark's Critics." From Rushdoony's By What Standard?, we read:
Van Til is emphatic on the fallacy of all attempts to establish a principle of interpretation other than God. If, after the fashion of Thomas Aquinas and Bishop Butler, we establish a neutral principle of coherence or rationality, or like Clark and Carnell, enthrone the law of contradiction, two major concessions are involved. First, we reason from man’s principle to God and enthrone our law over God as basic to all human and divine process. (pg. 22)
There's the connection, I think. Van Til thought Aquinas, Butler, Clark, and so forth reasoned from a "principle of interpretation other than God." Rushdoony also mentions that Christianity is only probably (i.e. not certainly) true for at least a few of these men. I addressed this in my last post, so I won't dwell on it here, but I'm glad if I have found some clarification of what Van Til and Muether meant.

Another piece of information of which I was unaware was that Clark actually compared Van Til and Barth prior to the 1951 letter I quoted in my last post (cf. Muether, pg. 126, endnote 26). Muether mentions that Van Til wrote to his nephew indicating awareness that Clark compared he and Barth in 1948. I would like to have heard more from Muether on whether Cornelius Van Til offered any pushback to this charge or merely reported it to Henry Van Til, but the tidbit was interesting enough.

There is more from Muether. Van Til apparently wrote (to an unknown addressee) in October of 1953 that:
We went through the same sort of struggle in the Orthodox Presbyterian Church with Dr. Clark. He insisted that there was exact identity of content in the mind of man with the content of the mind of God in his knowledge. Over against this view we argued that man as the creature of God is analogical of God in his knowledge. And we stressed the fact that this meant a one way dependence of man on God. Clark argued that such a view led to equivocism in knowledge.
For all Clark's efforts, years after the controversy, Van Til was still perpetuating what Clark once called "incomprehensible" "false statements" (link). Clark constantly called for precision and, in his mind at least, rarely received it. It is not whether the content is an exact identity (as if we are omniscient), it's whether the what content man has and what content God has means the same - refers to the same object of knowledge (truth). If so, Clark's position is vindicated. If not, then there really is not qualitative overlap between God's knowledge and ours, and it is equivocal to even speak of man's "content" and God's "content" of knowledge. 

I was not aware Van Til (pg. 127) compared Clark to Barth. Given the above, though, it does make some sense:
...as far apart as they were, Barth and Clark shared the common error of a defective starting point, a non-Christian doctrine of creation. No theologian of Van Til's time had a more robust doctrine of creation or explored as fully as Van Til its covenantal character and its philosophical consequences. He often asserted that creation is the foundation stone of Reformed theology. "The most fundamental distinction of orthodox theology, he wrote in The New Modernism, "may be said to be that of Creator and creature."

In other words, Van Til thought Clark did not respect enough the distinction between Creator and creature. Obviously, this involves the doctrine of creation. I said enough on this, I think, in my interaction with Horton, especially in that no Christian (such as Clark) denies a distinction. The question is whether there is a Creator-creature distinction (true) or an absolute divide, dissimilarity, or chasm (false). I don't think it is Clark who missteps here.

Despite the above information - making the book worth the read - Muether gets many things wrong. He says on pgs. 187 and 201 that Van Til "refused to link" Clark with the "new evangelicals." On the contrary, we saw in my last post that Van Til's 1967 lecture on The New Evangelicalism featured Clark quite prominently as an alleged member of this group. Muether's evidence is, according to an endnote, a 1963 letter to Ronald Nash, but Muether doesn't provide the contents of this letter (perhaps he changed his mind within 4 years; I doubt it). 

Muether also makes reference to Clark's "hyper-Calvinistic leanings" with no evidence to support the assertion (pg. 272). The only other time hyper-Calvinism is mentioned is on pg. 107, and that just says "some in the OPC suspected" Clark "of hyper-Calvinism." This is Dennison redux. 

Granted, pg. 272 is found in a sort of appendix called Bibliographic Essay, in which Muether attempts to hurriedly summarize and sometimes provide passing comment on source material, but for that matter, the entire paragraph in which this accusation is found was written in poor taste. It implies that the work of men like Robert Strong and John Frame can be dismissed because they left the OPC - they are "marred by their disillusionment with their former church." Would it be fair to dismiss Muether's work as "marred by his enamourment with his current church"? 

The bulk of Muether's attention toward Clark occurs from pages 98-116. Now, as I said in my last post, I don't really want to go over ground that I think has been sufficiently covered elsewhere. For example, Doug Douma explains why Clark did not return to the OPC in The Presbyterian Philosopher during the 1980s, a fact which Muether raises (pg. 251). And I've said elsewhere that there may be something to the idea the 1940s OPC debate - as I neutrally refer to it nowadays - is  "better described as the Clark-Murray debate" as opposed to Clark-Van Til (link). This same link, though, refutes Muether's following attempt to water down the significance of Clark's nomination of Machen as the first OPC moderator. Here is Muether: 

As a ruling elder in the church since its inception in 1936, Gordon Clark (1902-85) was well known in the denomination, and it was he who nominated J. Gresham Machen as the moderator of that first Assembly. (Clark’s nomination of Machen does not mean that he was an especially close intimate of Machen’s. Machen was surely everyone’s choice as the inaugural moderator of the church, and Clark simply beat other nominators to the floor. Similarly, Van Til’s nomination of Buswell as the moderator of the second assembly was no indication of a close bond between those two.) (pg. 100)

And here is what actually happened:

A caucus of leaders had met prior to the First General Assembly. Those leaders included Dr. Machen and certain men involved in the present controversy. These men were zealous for a pure Calvinistic church as is manifest by the series of articles to which Mr. Heerema referred, "The Reformed Faith and Modern Substitutes." This caucus picked Dr. Gordon H. Clark to nominate Dr. Machen. At that time his differences with Dr. Cornelius Van Til were well known, as those who were students at Westminster Seminary at that time can testify.

Clark didn't beat others nominate Machen before anyone else, as if he was seeking the personal honor. Machen himself (and John Murray, for that matter) were among those who orchestrated ahead of time that Clark would be given the honor. I don't expect Muether or any historian to have all the facts before them. But Muether's suggestion that Clark may not have been a "close intimate of Machen's" shows some ignorance of source material - Clark-Machen letters, the Reformed Fellowship, the League of Evangelical Students, etc.

Speaking of this, as with Dennison and Horton, source material is really needed where Muether provides none. The following has no endnote (by the way, endnotes are infinitely inferior to footnotes), nor is a date even mentioned:
Greater differences began to emerge when Van Til solicited Clark’s feedback on his metaphysics syllabus. In his response, Clark wrote that there was nothing objectionable in the human pursuit of comprehensive knowledge of God. Clark argued that it was sinful to aspire to God’s being but not to his knowledge.
Compare this to Clark's answers during his ordination exam. Here is part of his exchange with Reverend Clelland:
Q You believe the statement in Chapter 2. Section 1, that the one only living and true God is incomprehensible?

A I believe that there are indications in Scripture that when we shall be glorified, our knowledge will continue to increase forever, and that in all probability there will be no end to such increase.

Q That there will always be then, something which we could not yet comprehend?

A It seems to me entirely likely, though the exegeses of it are a little weak, but it seems to me entirely likely that there will always be certain particular truths that we do not know.
If it isn't possible to attain infinite knowledge, wouldn't it be sinful to seek it? Clark's answers here are a bit tentative, but he leans the correct way and may simply have been nervous. It's hard for me to accept what Muether asserts about Clark's "feedback" on Van Til's syllabus. Muether's following sentences on pgs. 101-102 are also source-less:
Later that same spring Clark published “On the Primacy of the Intellect” in the Westminster Theological Journal. Van Til again pressed Clark on the Creator-creature distinction, fearing that Clark’s argument failed to distinguish between a Christian and a pagan understanding of the intellect. Van Til cited Calvin and Warfield to argue that the intellect was no less fallen than other human faculties. Further conversations confirmed for Van Til his suspicion that Clark’s thought was deeply grounded in Greek philosophy; Van Til summed up Clark’s position in the Socratic motto that “knowledge is virtue.”

To be sure, Van Til was willing to affirm the primacy of the intellect in a certain sense: coming to faith is no mere act of emotional enthusiasm. But Van Til believed that faith is deeper than mere assent, because the Word of God makes an impact on the believer’s heart. Van Til feared that Clark’s exclusive emphasis on assent to doctrine denied the demands that Scripture places on the whole man. The Bible shapes what one knows, but also what one loves and how one behaves.

I have read Clark's article on The Primacy of the Intellect (1943) very closely and do not find that Clark says anything remotely close to the idea our intellect was or is unfallen. Nor does Clark even discuss saving faith. Muether's point about "Clark's exclusive emphasis on assent" indicates he is conflating of what Clark believed later in his life with what he believed earlier in it; or if Muether means Van Til argues this against Clark in the 1940s, I want to see where he does this. 

The evidence I can find against this idea is only indirect, but here is a snippet from an article in The Presbyterian Guardian (link). Note that there is no indication that Clark disagreed that there were three elements of saving faith: 

Mr. Hamilton then again rose to deliver another paper on the relation between regeneration and human understanding, which again he said had received Dr. Clark's approval. Confusion was injected, however, by the interpolation of some of Mr. Hamilton's own observations which had not been approved by Dr. Clark. In the course of the speech, Mr. Hamilton declared that notitia (knowledge) and assensus (assent) could be possessed by the unregenerate man but that fiducia (trust) could not. These are three theological terms to designate the three elements of saving faith. Mr. Hamilton was promptly challenged for holding that the unregenerate man possesses two-thirds of the elements of saving faith. On this position, said the complainants, the only thing wrong with the unregenerate man is that his saving faith is one-third incomplete. Moreover, since the answer terms assent the central element in faith, the unregenerate man might then, on Mr. Hamilton's position, be said to possess the central element of saving faith.

Mr. Hamilton then said that he had just been told that Dr. Clark would not agree that the unregenerate man was in possession of the first two of the three elements, but only of the first.

Now, I have read Clark's 1943 article was the tipping point for some concern among men in the OPC. But I have not heard sufficient explanation - with references to the actual article itself - as to why. Clark summarizes the positions of philosophers and theologians, occasionally remarks on which thoughts they had were good or bad, discusses emotions, volition, and intellect as activities (not divided parts) of a man, and then argues that the intellect has primacy because it is that by which we will enjoy God forever. This appears to me to be unrelated to what Muether mentions about the fallenness of the intellect and definition of faith, but since he cites no sources, I have no idea what to think. 

What, then, was the problem? I'll provide some facts and then some speculation. It is a fact that Clark wrote letters - some dating back to at least 1938 - and likely had conversations with Van Til, Buswell, and perhaps others relating to the content of the final article seen in 1943. How Clark's understanding was interpreted in those writings and discussions he had with others prior to the publishing of the 1943 product may have been the underlying cause for concern. An example that comes to mind would be that in "The Primacy of the Intellect," Clark writes:

...voluntarism conceived reality as fundamentally irrational, as ultimately an unknowable mystery before which man must remain a skeptic; whereas intellectualism with a love of truth resolutely affirms that reality is essentially rational, logical, and knowable.

While this may seem innocuous at first glace, it would possibly recall to Van Til's mind (and Buswell's, who read and agreed with Van Til's letter) a letter he wrote to Clark on December 5th, 1938 (link):

If we say that the real is the rational and the rational is the real we must apply this first to God as He exists by Himself apart from the created world. To that we must add the doctrine of creation into nothing. Thus we make a basic distinction between the reach of God's intellect and the reach of man's intellect.

Reality, uncreated reality, divine reality may and must, it seems to me, be forthwith identified with rationality. God's consciousness and His being are coextensive; His being and His attributes are one. Created reality too is rational in the sense that whatsoever comes to pass happens in accord with the counsel of God. On the other hand God might have created the universe otherwise than He did. There might be various rational ways of existing for the created universe. Hence with respect to the created universe we cannot say that the rational is the real.

There is no prior (nor posterior) letter of which I'm aware that was written by Clark to provide context to this. Clark, who gave Buswell access to this letter with Clark's notes in the margins, tells Buswell in a different letter that Van Til quotes him (Clark) from a previous discussion they had, so an in-person conversation may have precipitated Van Til's above letter. Regardless, Van Til is correct to mention God's freedom. To say "the rational is the real" implies creation was and is necessary, that there is a single intelligible world (with Creator and creation) which can comprise reality. This ruins numerous doctrines.

In an ironic, prophetic twist on Clark's negative view of the word "exists" later in his life, Buswell (writing to Clark; letter dated January 26, 1939) adds to Van Til's criticisms: "If you mean that the rational is the whole of reality, then the word rational ceases to have any meaning." Buswell also dislikes a comment Clark wrote in the margins of Van Til's letter. Clark highlighted Van Til's statement that "with respect to the created universe we cannot say that the rational is the real" and wrote in the margins, "In which case the world cannot be known." But Clark's reply to Buswell in a letter from February 9, 1939 somewhat clarifies matters on all these points:

You are perhaps unduly exercised about my note at the top of page two of Van Til’s letter. In reading a letter I sometimes jot down notes hurriedly to guide me in my reply. Van Til said the rational is not the real with respect to the created universe. You take this to mean that there are ideas in God’s mind which are not realized in creation. Quite true; but whether God might have created some other sort of world is a slightly different question, on which Augustine and Anselm disagree... Very consciously I tried to avoid this particular problem in my paper. So there is not the profundity in my note at the top of p.2 of Van Til’s letter which you find there. As a matter of fact, I had in mind the notion that the real is not rational (granted that is not what he said) and I drew the conclusion that it could then not be an object of knowledge.
In other words, Clark wrote a note quickly that didn't respond to what Van Til said but still was of use in that Clark believed both uncreated and created reality must be rational. Clark then used that idea in his article on "The Primacy of the Intellect": reality is rational. The final product does not suggest the converse, and this is where a careful reading is required.

To my knowledge, Van Til was not aware of Clark's exchange with Buswell. That's one reason which may have contributed to any worry Van Til and/or other of his acquaintances may have had about the 1943 article. Another might be the further suggestions that the discussions between Van Til and Clark revolving around Van Til's December 5th letter definitely contributed to Clark's 1943 article. For example: 

- From both Van Til's letter and the 1943 article (Van Til may have been quoting Clark from a prior conversation): "Life is not deeper than logic." 

- Van Til from his letter: "As we say, personality is a unit, which thinks and wills and loves. Psychologically we may and must speak of the priority of the intellect but not logically." On the other hand, Clark from the 1943 article: "Each man is a single personality... The question at issue, then, treats not of the temporal order but of the logical order, or to repeat more exactly, of an order determined by the degree to which these actions unite us to God." This indicates a disagreement between Van Til and Clark. 

- Another disagreement is that Clark speaks of intellect as the only "mode of action" by which our telos can be fulfilled, i.e. to contemplate God. Clark: "if in Christianity the end of all human endeavor is to see or contemplate God, evidently the desire for God or the love of God is subordinate." Contrast this to Van Til: "The 'vision of deity' is no more ultimate as an end for man than the love of deity or the work for deity" (vision of deity is in quotes because Van Til is quoting Clark).

Perhaps more examples could be given, but this sufficiently shows that "The Primacy of the Intellect" was long in the making. Clark definitively staked out a different position than Van Til. But to assert Clark's position was "pagan" or "grounded in Greek philosophy" takes a little more effort to substantiate, especially since these do not deal with Clark's arguments. 

As I said, those are the facts. Now, the speculation: while not said in print, it may have been clear to many OPC churchmen that for the first time, Clark publicly opposed Van Til on intellectual grounds. It was only during Clark's examination that these men had an opportunity to challenge Clark with little to lose. 

[As a side note, the stenographic record (link, link) is obviously wrong in some places. For example, "the premise of the intellect" should obviously be "the primacy of the intellect" - the men are clearly questioning Clark based on his 1943 article.]

In his examination, Clark answers Welmers and Stonehouse - both of whom unsurprisingly turned out to be complainants - very thoroughly when they ask about this article, even citing John 17:3 as (a non-pagan, non-Greek) reason for his views. It is a shame Stonehouse was cut off just as it seems he was about to elaborate on "a deep-seated difference between" his and Clark's conceptions. Following this exam, the next significant mention of Clark's article or its contents was The Complaint and The Answer themselves (and since Muether mentioned him as a source Van Til used, note Clark's citations of Calvin; pgs. 23-24 in Douma's typed version), and here, I think, we can stop.

In terms of issues at stake regarding Clark's ordination, Muether mentions procedure, theology, and ecclesiology. The last one is a familiar topic, since Muether mentions it in his books with Hart (cf. my last post):
Should the church cooperate with other forms of conservative Protestantism in America? Or ought it to preserve its distinctively Reformed identity? How could the church best combat the modernism of its day: by joining the emerging evangelical movement or by defending and propagating the Westminster Standards? (pg. 103)
This is an unjustified dichotomy. It presupposes a both-and answer isn't possible. Maybe that's true, but it isn't obvious to me, and it is more or less an unargued assumption in many of the OPC historical works I've read. See my interaction with Dennison above.

As an aside, though, I'd like to mention a point that often gets brushed over: the procedural question. Take the Presbytery of Philadelphia, which was found to be in error on failing to follow the Form of Government in acting too hastily regarding Clark's examination process. This is usually all that is said about the matter, but minutes from the Presbytery of Ohio tell a different story. The following is a communication to the 14th OPC General Assembly recorded in the Ohio Presbytery's minutes from the their meeting on April 8, 1947:

The four ministers who reside within the bounds of the Presbytery of Ohio were compelled, by their calling and by the failure of the Thirteenth General Assembly to finish its business in five days, to return to their pressing duties and to miss the final sessions of that Assembly. It is common knowledge that commissioners from other Presbyteries also were likewise compelled to miss the final sessions.

The Presbytery of Ohio therefore requests the Fourteenth General Assembly to make strenuous efforts to finish its business before too many of the commissioners must leave.

If this is impossible, the Presbytery of Ohio implores the Fourteenth General Assembly, in the interests of justice, not to make decisions in the final sessions on matters of vital importance to the Church as a whole; but to confine its actions to routine matters.

Some of us came out of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A., and we know the practice of deferring important matters to the closing session. This practice is not conducive to justice and fair dealing. The Thirteenth General Assembly in the evening session of its last day, after a noticeable proportion of the commissioners had left, took action with regard to a matter that had presumably been settled three days previously. This action was taken after the time limit for reconsideration had expired.

The injustice of this action is further seen in the fact that that Assembly, diminished in numbers, elected a quasi-judicial committee in which one of the interested parties but not the other of the interested parties was represented.

The Presbytery of Ohio therefore prayerfully implores the Fourteenth General Assembly to proceed with justice and equity.

Sincerely yours, MARTIN J. BOHN, 

Stated Clerk Presbytery of Ohio

These minutes confirm Clark and the only three other ministers of his presbytery (4 total - Thomas Gregory was ordained later that year as a 5th member) missed the final, Monday sessions of the 13th OPC General Assembly. This is important, as it was during these late, final sessions that the following occurred (link):

It was moved and carried that this Assembly instruct the Clerk of the Assembly to inform the Presbytery of Philadelphia of the action of the Assembly, to wit, that “this Assembly finds that there is ground for complaint against the Presbytery of Philadelphia and declares that the Presbytery of Philadelphia, at its meeting on July 7, 1944, erred in the decision to deem the examination sufficient for ordination, and in the decision to ordain Dr. Gordon H. Clark at a subsequent meeting of the Presbytery called for that purpose, in that the Presbytery failed to observe the plain intent of the provisions of the Form of Government (XIV, 1 and XV, ll), in circumstances which made the propriety of these provisions apparent.” This Assembly also. implores the Presbytery of Philadelphia to make acknowledgment of these errors and of its failure thereby to preserve the peace of the Church, and to report accordingly to the Fourteenth General Assembly... 

It was moved that: 
Whereas the purity and the peace of The Orthodox Presbyterian Church are of the deepest concern to the General Assembly, and 
Whereas “to the General Assembly. . . belongs the power of deciding in all controversies regarding doctrine . . ." (Form of Government, XI, 5), and 
Whereas there has appeared to be a difference in our Church concerning the Scriptural teaching pertaining to the doctrines of the incomprehensibility of God, the position of the intellect in reference to other faculties, the relation of divine sovereignty and human responsibility, and. the free offer of the gospel, 
Be it resolved that Messrs. Murray, Clowney, R. Gray, W. Young and Stonehouse be appointed to study these doctrines in the light of Scripture and the Westminster Standards in relation to all expressions of views on the doctrines that have appeared or may appear in connection with the discussion of the Complaint against the Presbytery of Philadelphia in the matter of the licensure and ordination of Dr. Gordon H. Clark, for the purpose of clarifying these matters, and report to the Fourteenth General Assembly.

In other words, Clark left the 13th General Assembly unaware that of what happened in the Monday afternoon and evening sessions, including the movement made to form a study committee stacked with ministers whom he, as an "interested party," found no representation. This is all the more important when one considers Muether's point that:

Strictly speaking the General Assembly never addressed the substance of the complaint against Clark. Instead, it assigned the theological issues of the debate to study committees that reported over the course of three years, and these reports were distributed to congregations for their study. (pg. 103)

I don't find (and this could be my mistake) any reference in the minutes for the 13th General Assembly as to how this committee was elected - or how the committee itself was even proposed. Three of the five members were from the study committee formed by the 12th General Assembly; Stonehouse surely would not have been viewed as a welcome addition by Clark. The Ohio presbytery's allusion to the injustice of the PCUSA is quite striking - Clark is nearly being styled as a new Machen.

If not a procedural error, the Ohio Presbytery certainly was not happy with the conduct of the 13th General Assembly. Sympathizers with Clark (and Clark himself) appear to have had good reason to be upset at important decisions - decisions about presbytery fault and committees which would inform and color the minds of OPC commissioners less able to devote time to study of the issues in The Complaint and The Answer - made during extra meetings without any prior indication given to officers who had to leave at the expected time. 

Here's how the 14th General Assembly's COMMITTEE ON OVERTURES AND COMMUNICATIONS responded to the Ohio Presbytery:

8. With regard to the communication from the Presbytery of Ohio imploring the Assembly to conclude important business in five days, the committee recommends that the Assembly take cognizance.

The final note on how the 14th General Assembly itself reacted to this recommendation is anti-climactic:

It was moved and carried that the Assembly take no action on the eighth recommendation.

So, after all, the Presbytery of Philadelphia was "implored" to acknowledge error, and it did so... barely. Muether reports that "The Presbytery registered its contrition by the slim margin of 16-14" (pg. 103). Well, if the imploring occurred after many interested commissioners went home - again, not a procedural error, but, perhaps, a bad look - the reticence of some members of the Philadelphia presbytery makes sense. 

Clark would later rebuff his old Philadelphia presbytery for an actual procedural mistake in his tenure within the Ohio Presbytery: 

The Presbytery of Ohio of the Orthodox Presbyterian Church hereby replies to the Presbytery of Philadelphia, relative to the latter's complaint dated July 21, 1947:

The said complaint states that the Presbytery of Ohio acted illegally in receiving licentiate Thomas M. Gregory. The ground alleged in support of this charge is an action of the complaining Presbytery relative to granting licentiate Thomas M. Gregory a letter of dismissal.

The Presbytery of Ohio wishes it to be known that its action commenced with the presentation of the letter of dismissal. The Form of Government, Chapter XX, states, "It shall be the duty of the clerk... to grant extracts from them (the minutes) whenever properly required; and such extracts under the hand of the clerk shall be considered as authentic vouchers of the fact which they declare, in any ecclesiastical judicatory and to every part of the church."

Whatever method the Presbytery of Philadelphia chose to follow in granting the letter of dismissal could not properly have been and was not a matter for the Presbytery of Ohio to act upon.

The Presbytery of Philadelphia seems to believe that Mr. Gregory was not a resident of the state of Indiana when he was received by the Presbytery of Ohio. The fact of the matter is that Mr. Gregory has established residence in Indiana before he was received. However, this has no bearing on the case, and the Presbytery of Ohio repudiates the notion that such a consideration was or ought to have been before it. The Presbytery of Ohio received Mr. Gregory on the basis of a regular letter of dismissal from the Presbytery of Philadelphia. There is nothing illegal in such a procedure.

The Presbytery of Philadelphia in the second part of the same complaint charges that the Presbytery of Ohio ordained Mr. Gregory illegally. The ground alleged in support of this charge is that Mr. Gregory had no call warranting ordination.

The Presbytery of Ohio replies that the determination of such a question of fact lies in the discretion of the examining Presbytery. Questions of fact that are placed in the discretion of Presbyteries cannot be reviewed by another Presbytery or even by a higher court. An attempt to sit in judgment on matters within the discretion of another Presbytery is in effect an attempt to destroy Presbyterian polity. If such a complaint were allowed standing in a court, it would mean that every ordination and every action of every Presbytery might have to await the approval of the Presbytery of Philadelphia. The Presbytery of Ohio therefore is compelled to reject the complaint addressed to it by the Presbytery of Philadelphia.

Clark (who wrote the above) defended the ordination of a man against the very Presbytery which questioned his own ordination. The Presbytery of Philadelphia seems to have backed off, and Mr. Gregory's ordination stood.

Perhaps these observations are incidental to Muether, but as much as I have heard OPC historians remark that the broader ecclesiastic and cultural views played a bigger role in the 1940s debate than some have thought - it's not all just about the theology - I haven't heard as much about the loosely "procedural" dimensions. There is much background context to the 1940s debate that has not been available to the public, so I thought to include some of that context here just as example of how much influence one can have (or try to have) without relevant parties (Clark, OPC commissioners) even being present.

Moving on, Muether's summary of the incomprehensibility of God question (pgs. 104-105) is typical and does not need comment, especially since I've already said so much about that. What is worth comment is Muether's following citation of Robert Strong, a supporter of Clark. Strong said Clark's ordination was "a very great victory" for the church because it recognized that "there could be some difference at minor points without a man's loyalty to the system of doctrine being impeached." 

In his book, Muether adds in brackets "[of the Westminster Standards]" after "system of doctrine" and makes an interpretive statement of Strong's citation that I don't understand. Muether says, "This was a revealing statement, because Clark himself never conceded that his views required an exception from the church's standards" (pg. 105). 

Maybe I'm reading the Strong or Muether horribly wrong, but this doesn't make any sense to me. Strong wasn't saying anything close to the idea that Clark's views required an exception; he was saying the opposite and celebrating that especially on points where the Westminster Standards are silent, "there could be some difference" while yet allowing that both sides are loyal Presbyterians. I have no idea what Muether means by Strong's statement being "revealing" of something. Strong may well have had in mind something like what he helped with as Committee Secretary of The Answer:

The second problem of this section is one of human psychology, and its discussion will again underline the fact that the Complaint is not a matter of the doctrines of the Westminster Confession but of technical and abstruse subtleties more suitable for philosophers than for preachers. 

The rest of what Muether says about Strong can be skipped, as can his comments about "whether the church's ecclesiology would be Reformed or evangelical" (pg. 107). There isn't anything Muether says that hasn't already been discussed or accounted for above or in one of the links at the beginning of this post. The next interesting thing Muether says is found on pg. 108:

By the controversy’s end they had persuaded the church that its Reformed militancy needed to express itself in careful distinction from Reformed evangelicalism. It is in this sense that Van Til “won” the debate, and in the larger context of Reformed ecclesiology, Van Til’s role in the Clark controversy, far from being an embarrassment, should be interpreted as one of his finest moments.

Over whom was Van Til victorious? Clark? If that is Muether's implication, he has not nearly established Clark's Reformed views were one rather than the other, as if they can't be both. This was addressed in my last post, and it also applies to Dennison. 

Further, on the point of Reformed ecclesiology, there may have been some ecclesiological questions - including whether Westminster Theological Seminary should remain independent, which is not, as far as I can tell, mentioned by Muether - but so far as Clark is strictly concerned, the 1940s debate must remain a strictly theological matter.

There remain only a few matters on which I will comment. Much of Van Til's admiration for Murray, Klooster, and Bavinck as well as Reymond's admiration for Clark can be omitted, but to just point out how easy it is for contemporary theologians to speak in terms which will give a wrong view of those with whom they disagree, take Muether here:

If Clark and Reymond resisted the notions of mystery, Van Til found himself at home with that expression, because of his deeper commitment to revelation and covenant. Van Til was comfortable even to the point of embracing the language of his mentor, Herman Bavinck, that “mystery is the life of all dogmatics.” Because the finite cannot contain the infinite, Bavinck underscored that the revelation of the infinite God to the finite creature cannot be exhaustive of the being of God, and so God remains incomprehensible. (pg. 110)

"Mystery" must mean "paradox." In any case, nothing Bavinck says in the highlighted portion is disagreeable with what Clark argued. Clark didn't argue we exhaust God, so if that were the only question, the whole debate would have been moot. The highlighted portion simply has nothing to do with Clark's concerns, but Muether gives the impression that Van Til was opposed by them on this point. 

Speaking of Bavinck, buried in an endnote is a definition of analogical knowledge according to Bavinck, though. On pg. 250, Muether references Bavinck's Reformed Dogmatic, 2:28, which states:

The knowledge we have of God is altogether unique. This knowledge may be called positive insofar as by it we recognize a being infinite and distinct from all finite creatures. On the other hand, it is negative because we cannot ascribe a single predicate to God as we conceive that predicate in relation to creatures. It is therefore an analogical knowledge: a knowledge of a being who is unknowable in himself, yet able to make something of himself known in the being he created. Here, indeed, lies something of an antinomy. Rather, agnosticism, suffering from a confusion of concepts, sees here an irresolvable contradiction in what Christian theology regards as an adorable mystery. It is completely incomprehensible to us how God can reveal himself and to some extent make himself known in created beings: eternity in time, immensity in space, infinity in the finite, immutability in change, being in becoming, the all, as it were, in that which is nothing.

In other words, when we say "God is good" and "man is good," "good" cannot be ascribed to God as it is to creatures. And this goes for every single predicate. So it isn't just that "good" means something different when ascribed to God, it means something totally different. Were this not the case, we could then use a single predicate to meaningfully ascribe similarity regarding what "good" means. This is equivocity, not analogicity.

This criticism will sound familiar to those who have actually read the whole of this long-winded post, for it is yet again the same criticism that "analogical knowledge" is a misnomer as it is applied by Van Til, the other complainants, and, it seems his Dutch forefather. 

On another note, Muether says Nash called Clark a "rationalist presuppositionalist" and Van Til a "revelational presuppositionalist" (pg. 113). If there is one persisting complaint I have, it's that Muether does not provide enough sources for his statements. I would have been interested in following up on this, but yet again, I have nothing to go on.

To close with one more engagement with Muether, he criticizes Clark for violating a common classroom illustration by Van Til. Pay attention to the kicker at the end:

The most memorable feature of Van Til’s teaching involved a diagram of the two circles that he drew in his classroom lectures. Van Til positioned the larger one above the smaller one, and the two did not overlap. The former represented God, and the latter the world that he created, which was always dependent upon God and his revelation. The two circles represented not only the creaturely and analogical standing of humanity and God’s transcendence, but as Van Til connected them with two vertical lines, they indicated man’s covenantal standing before God. By connecting creation and covenant in this way, Van Til established the similarity of the being and knowledge of man, as God’s image bearer, with God’s while denying their identity at any point. Gordon Clark, intolerant of any notion of mystery, committed the error of allowing the circles to touch. (pg. 116)

Two last points on this:

1) Muether admits that there must be "similarity of the being and knowledge of man, as God's image bearer, with [God]..." This is an admission which, as I said with Horton, gives the case away. If analogy does indeed involve similarity, it involves overlap. It is unintelligible to compare two subjects, call them similar, and yet have no account for the similarity. On the other hand, any such account will involve univocal predication, for whatever is taken to be the account for the similarity will also be that whereby univocal predication is possible. 

Example: is Van Til's account that of "connecting creation and covenant"? If so, then "God is covenanted" and "man is covenanted" mean the same thing. If not, there is no similarity after all, for the meaning is equivocal. We can and should qualify these propositions by adding information - "God is covenanted [in that He is the Suzerain]," "man is covenanted [in that he is the vassal]" (or whatever) - but the content of the additional information will not change the content of the simple, singular predication

2) Van Til seems to have forgotten what he wrote to Clark in the December 5th, 1938 letter. God must be considered first as apart from creation. Drawing two circles already presupposes two realities. More accurate, I think, would be to make the creation circle dotted rather than solid to indicate its contingency. 

Further, on the assumption of creation, these circles are similar insofar as they are circles - why does it matter if they touch? "Similarity" returns us to point 1). It doesn't matter that God needed to breathe "life" ("color" might be apt if Van Til had used a markerboard) into creation. That's the trouble with illustrations, especially in this context: no matter if Van Til were to make different colors, shapes, or drawings, the nature of his attempted illustration itself requires a comparison between two of some same, univocal category (that is, between two colors, shapes, drawings, etc.). 

So it is with language, and I would not think Muether has plans to pull up a Wittgensteinian ladder by discarding the very revelation we use to talk about God, nor do I think Van Til would discard the use of "reality" in his "analogization" (let's say) of Creator to creation.

Finally, if the circles are just to illustrate the dependence of creature on God and His revelation, Clark would never have allowed the circles to touch if that mean some part of creation did not stand in such a dependence relation. If Van Til or Muether were to reply that while this may not have been Clark's intent, he nevertheless did so in his refusal to accept man's "analogical standing," these men have much they need to respond to - see this entire post - before that charge can be taken seriously.

Postscript

The nature of the content discussed and resultant disagreement can tend to give an unwanted impression. These men have all labored for the kingdom of God. I appreciate the work they have done and continue to do for my church, for I too attend and love the OPC. I have tried to restrict my comments to the relevant content, so if anything else seems to have bled through the text, it is unintentional.

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Clark's Critics 26 Dec 2024 2:57 PM (4 months ago)

At this point, it almost goes without saying that I enjoy interacting with critics of Clark (link, link, link, link, link, and so on). I myself critique Clark here and there, but there are better and (usually) worse attempts. It would be impossible to respond to every critic, and I don't feel any sort of compulsion to interact with everyone - especially not random people on the internet. But in time, I do hope to have a decent collection of responses to critics who were worth engaging.

I've mostly dealt with contemporary authors. It would take much more investment of time than I have at present to comb through all of Van Til, Bahnsen, Frame, and others' work who may not be as well known now but were during, say, the 1940s OPC controversy (e.g. Klooster, Kuschke, Stonehouse). It would also be reinventing the wheel to go over ground that has been sufficiently covered by others. 


As an example, John Robbins responses to Hakkenburg, Hart, Muether, and Dennison are mostly correct (link), if not comprehensive and mild-mannered. Robbins also is more willing to speculate when matters call for historical exactness - though, to be fair, so are those whom he is responding to. Hart and Muether, for example, write,
Clark and his supporters wanted the OPC to join forces with other conservatives in the United States. The basis for this union was not the explicitly Reformed views of the Westminster faculty but rather the broad mission of opposing modernism and banding together for effective outreach. In 1943 Clark went so far as to invite all foes of liberalism to join the OPC. Ministers in the OPC who sided with Clark also hoped the church would become more evangelical than Reformed... 

Despite these criticisms of the OPC, the church, by remaining outside the new evangelical movement and by joining an international association of Reformed churches, rejected Clark’s vision for the denomination. The OPC was to be a distinctly Reformed denomination as defined by the Westminster Standards, not “evangelical” or “conservative” as defined by the new evangelical movement...
Those who left the OPC with Clark were saddened by the church’s vision. They believed that the church had been founded to oppose “soul-destroying Modernism” and was now moving away from its original vision. But as we have already seen, the forming of the OPC involved far more than fundamentalist opposition to modernism. Machen was dedicated to maintaining and preserving a Reformed testimony (link).
Robbins refutes this. He also refutes Michael Hakkenburg's assertion that "A Reformed theology, although important to this group [the "Clark group"] was not crucial in the battle against modernism" (Pressing Toward the Mark, pg. 337). 

But it doesn't hurt to add historical facts that support Robbins' case. A part of the reason I am transcribing Clark material just is to help set the record straight as to what Clark really believed. See the "MINORITY REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE AMERICAN COUNCIL OF CHRISTIAN CHURCHES," which Clark signed off on with another minister (link). Particularly:
We do not believe that it is necessary to argue against religious cooperation with unbelievers, those who deny the fundamentals of the Christian faith, or against organic union with Christian bodies which we believe are less pure in doctrine. On these two points there is in our denomination general agreement. We believe also that there is general agreement to the proposition that there must be cooperation with other truly Christian bodies whom we believe are less pure insofar as such cooperation does not compromise and impair what we believe to be true...

It is possible to make a common testimony to the catholic doctrine common to the whole confessing Church embraced in the great ecumenical creeds and at the same time maintain our distinctive reformed witness. This is a council of Churches for common action against the enemies of God, to wit, Modernism, Romanism, Communism, and any other ism which denies or compromises the truthfulness of the above doctrines. It takes common action in behalf of historic Christianity. It is not a union of Churches. It is not saying or implying that we consider that our distinctive reformed witness is unimportant any more than others in the Council think that their arminianism, immersion or ritual is unimportant. It is a Council in which Bible-believing Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists and Independents remain such with all their hearts and yet stand together as citizens of the Kingdom of God in conflict with the Kingdom of Satan. It is a Council which is pledged not to do work which is generally accepted as being in the ecclesiastical sphere. It is pledged to aid the constituent denominations in their distinctive witness...

Our world and life view demands that our isolationism be ended. Christian love demands that we aid our brethren who are undergoing so much for us. We need to remember that:

1. Affiliation with the American Council will not undermine our distinctive reformed witness, on the contrary it will obtain a greater hearing for that witness.

2. It is impossible to delegate ecclesiastical authority to any Council. Ministers are always subject to the discipline of their respective denominations or churches. Committees of the denominations must report to their denominations. Denominations can drop out of the Council or repudiate its decisions at any time.

Now, one can agree or disagree with Clark that cooperation is possible without compromising one's Reformed witness, but this does show that Hart and Muether - who really ought to know better - slandered Clark in suggesting that he himself "hoped the church would become more evangelical than Reformed." Would these men have said the same about Stonehouse, a complainant who - a mere two years after the above report - according to Charles Dennison, "defended OP involvement in the fundamentalist International Council of Christian Churches" (History for a Pilgrim People, pg. 172)? No, Hart and Muether reckon Stonehouse among other members of the "wise leadership" in the OPC, and no mention (let alone insinuation) is given to his evangelicalism. Robbins' vehemence is rather warranted in this case.

It appears Hart and Muether are more or less repeating Van Til (link, minute 13:30-23:30). For example, see his following comment (minute mark 23:02):

...you are not to continue doing what is being done by Dr. Carnell, by Dr. Clark, by Dr. Buswell, and good Christian people who are the "new evangelicals." They are not answering the neo-orthodox. They want to keep in touch with the neo-orthodox, because that's the movement going in theology, and with existentialism in philosophy.

Now, at the end of the lecture, Van Til says Clark is 65. Therefore, the lecture must have been given in 1967 or 1968. This makes sense, since Van Til references a book by Jurgen Moltmann written in 1967 at the very beginning of the lecture. 

What that implies, though, is more slander. I really do try to be charitable - and I will continue to do so to the best of my ability - but for Van Til to include Clark among those "not answering the neo-orthodox" but rather wanting "to keep in touch with them" is unacceptable for a man in a position to know better. 

Can we believe Van Til really not aware of Clark's book dedicated to refuting Barth published 5 years earlier? Can we believe he was not aware of any articles in which Clark attacked neo-orthodoxy repeatedly and publicly, some as early as 1954 (select examples: link, link, link)? By my count, there more than a dozen published articles - did Van Til read none of these? Then what did he read that evidences his claims about Clark and neo-orthodoxy? He doesn't say, and neither to Hart and Muether state the bases for their claims. 

In agreement with Van Til, Clark even charges Carnell with neo-orthodoxy in a letter to Carl Henry on 1/30/1960 (link). But Clark also claims neo-orthodoxy infiltrated Van Til's own thought as early as a 1951 letter (link):

In addition to this group of changes you also mention the reference to Dr. Van Til. So far as the argument is concerned, this section could be deleted, for Dr. Van Til is by no means so important a figure as Brunner. However, he is an excellent example of how neo-orthodoxy has permeated contemporary thinking. Dr. Van Til “adores paradox,” he holds that man’s mind is incapable of knowing any truth, that the Bible from cover to cover is not the truth, and that theological formulations, creeds, and so on are only “pointers” to something unknowable. The dependence on Brunner, even the wording, makes Dr. Van Til an admirable example.

Compare this charge to Van Til's reference to paradox in the same 1967 lecture (minute mark 21:59):

God is God, and his all-comprehensive control and our sense of responsibility will always appear to us apparently contradictory - not really, it isn't. But we have to believe that it isn't.

Regarding this statement: we can acknowledge that Van Til believed Christianity to be consistent while simultaneously denying that we can understand said consistency. The real question is the apologetic double standard this seems to entail - that unbelievers could shrug as Van Til lodges refutations and respond that such as merely examples of paradoxes, not real contradictions. Van Til may even ironically respond that his reference to the necessity of apparent contradictions as compatible with his consistent worldview may itself appear contradictory (yet not be) when compared with an unbeliever who likewise cites the necessity of apparent contradictions as compatible with their consistent worldviews. But insofar as apologetics is a practical enterprise, there is a real challenge here. 

If an unbeliever charges Van Til as believing a contradiction (God's sovereignty along with human responsibility), if all Van Til can do is say, "Well, it does seem contradictory but really isn't - I can't explain why, though, I just believe it," he is inhibiting the work of the Spirit. The Spirit works through ordinary people, but only insofar as we are communicating truth. Van Til's position on the necessity of apparent contradictions isn't truthful and can't be supported from Scripture. 

Returning to the more important conclusion that should be drawn from the above: a concerning trend among OPC theologians (and even historians) who do not agree with Clark's position in the 1940s debate is a tendency to make historically inaccurate statements about what Clark's positions even are. I won't speculate on the reasons, but it is an unavoidable fact that there are false narratives about Clark's beliefs.

And it really is a shame. Van Til interacts with Clark in other ways in his lecture, some of which are not only deserving of a response but might also touch a sensitive spot in Clark's thought! Very few who know what Clark did think, though, will be inclined to give further hearing to Van Til after his listening to obvious misrepresentations. 

I will give Van Til further hearing shortly, but as a side note to the above, there is a case to be made for the true sort of alliance for which Clark sought. Opponents of Clark should instead engage something like the following, which comes from Gary North's Crossed Fingers and virtually implies Clark's view was the same as Machen's (contrary again to the the narrative of Hart of Muether that it was the post-1939 WTS faculty who maintained and preserved the same Reformed testimony as Machen):

The Princetonians were not ecumenists. They did not view the near-term future as a period of legitimate unity among evangelical churches. There can be unity among Christians, they taught, especially in the battle against modernism, but they resisted any alteration of the Confession, which meant that they could not accept Church unity in their day. The other churches would have to adopt the Confession in order for the Princetonians to accept ecclesiastical ecumenism: Church union as distinguished from temporary alliances.

...numerous critics of Machen, in his day and ever since, have argued that his opposition to this union was inconsistent with his later cooperation with fundamentalists and other conservative evangelical organizations. This criticism is misleading. The issue in 1920 was not the legitimacy of alliances, which are permitted by the Bible (Gen. 14:13); the issue was the theological basis of Church covenants. Alliances are not covenants. Alliances are not created by means of a self-maledictory (negative sanctions-invoking) oath before God.(238) Machen never spelled out this distinction by means of covenantal language, for he rarely used covenantal language, but his hostility to Church union was based on his understanding that the fundamental issue was covenant law, not cooperation as such.

More could be said, of course. One could discuss whether it is wrong-headed to protest abortion or feminism with Reformed Baptists or Lutherans, the relevance of the WTS faculty and OPC members who did not want to submit to denominational oversight (Doug Douma touches on this here), whether it's possible that some's acceptance of a Radical Two Kingdoms view has encouraged OPC isolationism, etc. But I think enough has been said on the "new evangelicalism" for this post.

In the spirit of a fair hearing, I now want to interact with the rest of Van Til's lecture. A fair hearing is not only often missing in contemporary engagements in which the thought of one man is typically evaluated through the lens of the other, it's something that was sometimes missed by Clark and Van Til themselves in each's expositions of the other's views. I'm not suggesting I'm unbiased. But I will aim to actually show where both Clark and Van Til were right or wrong. At this stage in history, it really is not enough to merely say that both Van Til and Clark made mistakes. We should be acknowledging what those mistakes were as well as whether these were pointed out to each other.

At any rate, the first meaningful statement involving Clark comes at minute mark 14:36:

Well, there is no other unless they are willing to make use of their own position which is, in Clark's case, the Reformed faith. Now if you are willing, actually, to start with the Christian position in its full expression, in the Reformed confessions, then the only thing you must do and can do is to say, "Well, look, there is no common ground between you and us - to wit, on which we agree as to interpretation. There is a common ground in that you are a creature of God as I am a creature of God. We're both made in the image of God. You don't believe that though, so that's not how you interpret man."

There has been much recent debate about what Van Til meant by "common ground." It doesn't seem that Van Til could be much clearer: the common ground is solely ontological. Not epistemic, not psychological. 

As an example, Dr. Keith Mathison recently published Toward a Reformed Apologetics: A Critique of the Thought of Cornelius Van Til. After a youtube discussion between he and James Anderson, I engaged with many admirers of Van Til that Mathison has it all wrong - Van Til taught that unbelievers could believe truth, just not justifiably so.

But is this not completely ruled out by what Van Til says? There is nothing on which we agree as to interpretation. This actually goes back to the 1940s debate. I've spoken on this before, but permit me to cite a fellow complainant of Van Til (against Clark) who, in the presence of Van Til himself and without any correction, said the following (link):

...according to Mr. Kuschke, "Dr. Clark regards man's intellect as occupying such high rank that the understanding of the natural man can grasp the meaning of the words 'Christ died for sinners' 'with the same ease' as the born-again man. If that is the case, the understanding does not need to undergo renewal like the rest of the human personality." Mr. Kuschke quoted and discussed at length the statement of the proposed answer that "regeneration, in spite of the theory of the Complaint, is not a change in the understanding of these words [Christ died for sinners]." He pointed out that the Bible teaches that all of man's faculties are corrupted by sin, and that every imagination of the thoughts of man's heart is only evil continually. "If regeneration did not change our understanding of the words 'Christ died for sinners,' " he declared, "then we would never be saved!"

...The supporters of Dr. Clark's theology made valiant effort to defend the statement of the answer that "regeneration... is not a change in the understanding of these words [Christ died for sinners]." Mr. Kuschke, on the other hand, defended the position of the complaint and pointed out that, when content is injected into the sentence, the unregenerate man must invariably inject the wrong content and the regenerate man the true content.

Forget the idea that unbelievers can have true beliefs - what is being affirmed (against Clark protestations) is that unbelievers can't even understand truth. Unbelievers never interpret statements as believers do - i.e. correctly - due to their anti-Christian positions. Do you say you accept the authority of the Bible but believe that we are justified by faith and works? Then you don't really believe we are made in the image of God. You might say you believe it, but your anti-Christian position means your interpretation must be different. If I can attempt an illustration on Van Til's behalf, it would be like if a Nestorian claimed to accept the council of Ephesus. They could only claim such by implicitly or explicitly twisting the meaning of the words of said council.

When I mentioned some of this to Dr. Mathison himself - whose book has recently been delivered as a present and which I plan to read soon - he agreed with my understanding (post 21 here). Dr. Mathison also posted fantastic summaries of and evidences for his position: see posts 17 (the last 4 big paragraphs in particular) and 31-32. There isn't much I need to say by way of refutation of Van Til's position on "common ground." Clark dealt with it long ago, also pointing out, like Dr. Mathison, that Van Til seemed to contradict himself (link):

One important reason for maintaining the distinction between consistent systems and inconsistent persons is that unregenerate persons are thereby permitted to have at least some knowledge. Since the Scriptures base responsibility on knowledge, and since Romans 1:32 assigns to the wicked an amount of moral knowledge sufficient to make them guilty of sin, the evangelical must frame a theory by which this knowledge is shown to be possible. Were a man totally ignorant, he could not be guilty of sin.

Now, strange as it may seem, although Van Til's statements, quoted above, inexorably imply that the unregenerate are totally ignorant, Van Til makes some contradictory remarks.
Clark used "knowledge" in a range of ways. I suspect the definition of "knowledge" he means here is "true belief" (cf. Karl Barth's Theological Method). In other contexts, Clark refutes related theses to Van Til's position on "common ground" (see the subsection "A Subsequent Paper" here). I connect some dots here.

Let's pivot focus: does Clark start with "the Reformed faith... in its full expression, the Reformed confessions"? Well we could nitpick here and discuss sola scriptura, the fallibility of confessions (which Westminster Confession did Van Til allude to, for example?), and so forth, but loosely speaking, Clark would have affirmed he did so. Van Til objects (minute mark 16:56):
You must not do what Dr. Clark does. He believes this position theologically. And then when he goes to defend it, he joins with all other historical Protestant defenders - that is so far as the Butler type of analogy is concerned. "And look," he says, "our position is more logical. And I'll show you that it's more logical, or that it's absolutely logical." But at the at the end of this little article to which I return in the Moody Press publication, "Can I Trust My Bible?" there he says, "but not absolutely because it may all depend." Well, don't you see, that is making possibility - abstract possibility - back of God. Here, God is the source of possibility. Nothing can be or happen except that that which is within and in accordance with the plan of God. Here, he is willing to take all this and to say, "the more logical and more acceptable hypothesis." Now, that's just exactly what Satan wanted man in paradise to do: not to accept this on authority...

Then, at minute mark 19:17 (after praising Clark's determinism and belief in the infallibility of the Bible, Van Til says:

But then why does he turn right around and join all of the historic Arminians, defenders of the Christian faith, in appealing to autonomous man and say, "Look, you've got a hypothesis and we've got a hypothesis. Ours is better than you." Now, why is ours better? Because it's more according to the law of logic. I mean to put law of contradiction. Well, the point is that what we should do - and what Clark as a Calvinist theologian virtually does - is to say that the law of contradiction cannot work in a chance universe. The difference between our position and that of others is not ours it is more logical or less logical. Faith is not a leap in the dark. But neither is faith, don't you see, something that is in accordance with the law of contradiction. The issue is not whether it is more or less in accordance with the law of contradiction. The point is that the law of contradiction cannot operate in a vacuum.

This is quite a lot to cover here. I'll skip the reference to "the Butler type of analogy." Van Til doesn't explain his meaning in this lecture. 

Let's start by agreeing with Van Til that we can't start with abstract possibility or hypotheses. If we did, there would be no epistemically helpful criterion for evaluation of said hypotheses (link), so the result would be skepticism. Somewhere in the lecture, Van Til mentions that hypotheses can only function within the system of truth. This is very good, and it indirectly supports Van Til's contention that a transcendental argument for Christianity can be made, involving logic no less (cf. the end of this link; full disclosure, I seem to have misunderstood Van Til here). We can further refine this by noting said argument will not increase our epistemic justification in what we already know apart from inference, but the argument itself can still be useful (link).

With that in mind, Van Til is talking about Clark's article, "How May I Know the Bible is Inspired?" (link). But nowhere in that article does Clark use the word "hypothesis." A charitable interpretation of Van Til would be that he is speaking conceptually based on other evidence. His only evidence, to my understanding, that Clark affirms that whether or not Christianity is true "may all depend" is his reference to what Clark says here: 

The more consistent unbelief is, the less can agreement be obtained. So long as the unbeliever is inconsistent, we can force him to make a choice. If he inconsistently admires Jesus Christ or values the Bible, while at the same time he denies plenary and verbal inspiration, we can by logic insist that he accept both – or neither. But we cannot by logic prevent him from choosing neither and denying a common premise. It follows that in logical theory there is no proposition on which a consistent believer and a consistent unbeliever can agree. Therefore the doctrine of inspiration, like every other Christian doctrine, cannot be demonstrated to the satisfaction of a clear-thinking unbeliever.
If, nonetheless, it can be shown that the Bible – in spite of having been written by more than thirty-five authors over a period of fifteen hundred years – is logically consistent, then the unbeliever would have to regard it as a most remarkable accident. It seems more likely that a single superintending mind could produce this result than that it just happened accidentally. Logical consistency, therefore, is evidence of inspiration; but it is not demonstration. Strange accidents do indeed occur, and no proof is forthcoming that the Bible is not such an accident. Unlikely perhaps, but still possible.

Again, this too contains a lot to unpack. There is a fundamental question here: when Clark is speaking of logic, is he speaking of it as the criterion for knowledge to which we must subject Scripture itself? This cannot be (see the following quotes). If Van Til is presupposing that Clark thinks the proof of the Christian position comes by making it answer to the law of contradiction (cf. minute mark 16:13-16:24), this is contrary to Clark's thought:

One who believes in the unity of truth may still believe that the false system entails contradictions; but to prove this is the work of omniscience. (Historiography: Secular and Religious, 1971, pg. 370) 

Undoubtedly I hold that truth is a consistent system of propositions. Most people would be willing to admit that two truths cannot be contradictories; and I would like to add that the complex of all truths cannot be a mere aggregate of unrelated assertions. Since God is rational, I do not see how any item of his knowledge can be unrelated to the rest. Weaver makes no comment on this fundamental characteristic of divine truth.

Rather, he questions whether this characteristic is of practical value, and whether it must be supplemented in some way. It is most strange that Weaver here says, “I must agree with Carnell,” as if he had convicted me of disagreeing with Carnell by providing no supplementation whatever. Now, I may disagree with the last named gentleman on many points, but since it is abundantly clear that I “supplement” consistency by an appeal to the Scripture for the determination of particular truths, it is most strange that Weaver ignores my supplementation. (Clark and His Critics, 2009, pg. 290)

In view of this pragmatic dealing with history, its positivistic denial of universal law, of metaphysics, of supernatural interpretation, it may be permitted by way of anticipation to suggest the conclusion that, instead of beginning with facts and later discovering God, unless a thinker begins with God, he can never end with God, or get the facts either. (A Christian Philosophy of Education, 1988, pg. 31)
Perhaps Van Til would say Clark was inconsistent. That's possible, but we should first consider if any alleged tension can be resolved in a different way. Some space for charity is needed for Clark as well as Van Til. When I read Mathison's book, I will certainly try to extend Van Til the same courtesy. 

Another reason to reject that Clark thinks the proof of the Christian position comes by making it answer to the law of contradiction is that the "How May I Know the Bible is Inspired?" quote above blatantly rejects that Christianity can be demonstrated by logical consistency. Van Til seems to interpret Clark as back peddling: Clark set out to prove Christianity by logic, couldn't do so, and, therefore, Clark's hand is forced and he must admit that Christianity is not absolutely logical: it "may all depend," and "abstract possibility" is "back of God." I'll return to this in a moment.

Let's first give Clark some humbling: it must be admitted that there is at least one particularly concerning Clark quote, found in a 1981 correspondence with John Robbins (link, see below), which does entirely seem to justify Van Til's accusation. Robbins is spot-on, and I find Clark's reply to be outright indefensible. Here is Robbins' initial line of questioning:

I am in the process of editing the tapes of your lectures at Gordon-Conwell and am enjoying them immensely. I notice that you read a few unpublished papers; if you would like to publish them or any of them, we’d be glad to put them in the Trinity Review

I have, of course, several questions that I would like to ask you, but I will bring up only one here. You seem to go out of your way to stress that you are not infallible “at any point.” I believe that is a direction quotation. The statement is repeated several times. 

Yet I recall reading in one of your books that you can be infallible any time you wish, simply by reading the infallible word. 

So let me pose the question directly: Are you fallible what [when] you say: A is A? Either A or non-A? Not both A and non-A? In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth? In the beginning was the Logos, and the Logos was with God and the Logos was God? Is it possible that you err when you make these statements? Are you not infallible when you – to use Van Til’s phrase – think God’s thoughts after him? 

If your reply is that you remain fallible even when speaking Truth, what implications does your statement have? Are you not implying a neoorthodox theory that says that God’s Truth can be communicated through fallible means? 

Is it not one thing to say that all synods and councils may err – and all individuals as well – and another thing to say that they may err at every point? 

But perhaps you are attaching a different meaning to infallible than simply “incapable of erring.” 

In Heaven, won’t we be infallible at every point?

Here is Clark's disappointing reply:

As for skepticism, you seem to admit that at any time we might make a mistake in geometry. Yet geometry, or math in general, is a subject matter that has less occasions for mistakes than in the more complicated sciences. After you so acknowledge, you turn to axioms. But axioms are not dependent on logical reasons. They are assumed starting points. I do not see how you can be free from the possibility of making a mistake in choosing or in understanding an axiom. Then you write, “Was Peter fallible when he said, ‘You are…the Son of the Living God.’” Then you add, “If he was not, neither are we.” This is an invalid inference. Note that Arius was willing to accept Peter’s words, and he probably was sincere in thinking he understood Peter’s meaning. But Athanasius thought not, John Milton and Isaac Watts agreed more closely with Arius than with Athanasius. Hence when someone quotes Peter’s words, he may not have the same meaning. 
And as for logic, I challenge you to give me the meaning of All a is b. And since you seem to say that you could not possibly be mistaken in choosing an axiom, I would like you to explain how.

This is anti-foundationalism. Clark falls suspect to exactly the sort of "suppositionalism" of which Van Til and Bahnsen accuse him. Clark completely fails to answer Robbins' question about heaven and tries to do the impossible: make abstract possibility epistemically prior to truth. 

Do we here too we find a late development in Clark's views? It is fascinating that Clark seems to have changed his mind to so many bad positions so late in his life (necessitarianism, occasionalism, Nestorianism, etc). I would need to check my notes, but I wonder if there is some correlation between Clark's retirement from eldership and his increased willingness to [badly] speculate. Age could also be a factor. 

On the other hand, this piece of evidence occurs much later than Van Til's lecture. In terms of Clark's thought at the time of 1967 or so, I think Van Til's accusation against Clark holds little water. For instance, Van Til says that Clark's quote from "How May I Know the Bible is Inspired?" comes at the end of the article, but there are actually two full subheadings after the quote. In fact, a mere two paragraphs after the above citation, Clark's cites and agrees Calvin on our ability to know the Bible in a manner completely contradictory to his above letter to Robbins:

Against this claim the Reformers developed the doctrine of the testimony of the Holy Spirit. The belief that the Bible is the Word of God, so they taught, is neither the result of a papal pronouncement nor a conclusion inferred from prior premises; it is a belief which the Holy Spirit himself produces in our minds. Calvin wrote: “It is therefore such a persuasion as requires no reason; such a knowledge as is supported by the highest reason and in which the mind rests with greater security and constancy than in any reasons; in fine, such a sense as cannot be produced but by a revelation from heaven” (Institutes, I.vii.5)... 

The second phrase in the quotation from Calvin says that, the mind can rest in this knowledge with greater security than in any reasons. This is obvious because the security of a conclusion can be no greater than that of the premise on which it is based. That the sum of the squares on the other two sides is equal to the square of the hypotenuse cannot be any more certain than the axioms from which it is deduced.

Notice that Clark affirms Calvin's statement as "obvious" and elaborates that our "knowledge" "that the Bible is the Word of God" is either certain or we cannot be certain of whatever we deduce from the Bible qua axiom. Likewise, Clark also consistently taught the self-authenticating nature of divine revelation:

Nothing in Paul suggests that the word of “cooperative investigation” (1:20) is more certain or reliable than the wisdom of God. Is it not strange that for any evangelical, for whom sola Scriptura is the formal principle of theology, should try to base the truth of Scripture on the conclusions of Dr. Albright and Miss Kenyon? For Paul revelation is self-authenticating. Athens, Oxford, and American universities have nothing in common with Jerusalem. (First Corinthians, 1991, pg. 58)

How then could God show to a man that it was God speaking? Suppose God should say, “I will make of you a great nation...and I will bless them that bless you and curse him that curses you.” Would God call the devil and ask Abraham to believe the devil’s corroborative statements? Is the devil’s word good evidence of God’s veracity? It would not seem so. Nor is the solution to be found in God’s appealing to another man in order to convince the doubter. Aside from the fact that this other man is no more of an authority than the devil, the main question reappears unanswered in this case also. What reasons can this man have to conclude that God is making a revelation to him? It is inherent in the very nature of the case that the best witness to God’s existence and revelation is God himself. There can be no higher source of truth. God may, to be sure, furnish “evidence” to man. He may send an earthquake, a fire, or still small voice; he may work spectacular miracles, or, as in the cases of Isaiah and Peter, he may produce inwardly an awful consciousness of sin, so that the recipient of the revelation is compelled to cry out, “Woe is me! For I am undone, because I am a man of unclean lips.” But whether it be an external spectacle or an inward “horror or great darkness,” all of this is God’s witnessing to himself. (A Christian View of Men and Things, 2005, pgs. 182-183)

What is a claim that God's revealed word is self-authenticating other than the one can be non-inferentially, epistemically justified and know that God's revealed word is authentic, genuine, and true? I think the evidence suggests Clark changed his mind than that he held "suppositionalism" throughout his life.

What then did Clark mean in the first quote from "How May I Know the Bible is Inspired" above? Firstly, Clark acknowledges that the systems of Christianity and non-Christianity are completely opposed: "in logical theory there is no proposition on which a consistent believer and a consistent unbeliever can agree." Van Til may object to the idea of a "consistent" unbeliever, but that returns us to common ground discussion, for Clark is just saying that an unbeliever can "inconsistently" understand and affirm truth. This, we saw, Van Til and several complainants apparently deny. 

But if "the law of contradiction is a law that God has implanted logic in the creature made in his image" (minute mark 16:24), we must ask whether the implanting is rooted out by the Fall. If not, then while the system of an unbeliever will fail to enable a correct use of said law, less "consistent" unbelievers may themselves use the law correctly, implicitly opposing their own, avowed systems (sometimes, without even realizing it). This ground, pardon the pun, was already covered earlier, so I'll move on.

Secondly, there is a clear emphasis from Clark on what or how unbelievers "regard" or are "thinking." Are they more or less consistent? That will influence a Christian's interaction with them. The more "consistent" or deeper an unbeliever sinks into reprobate thinking, the less a Christian will be able to engage. There is a good Clark quote I cannot quite recall in which he essentially says that it would be insane to try to reason with the insane. 

On the other hand, unbelievers who inconsistently affirm truths are more accessible to a Christian apologetic. We can more easily highlight their inconsistency to accept truth with their false worldview. Even in this case, though, unbelievers will refuse any logical defenses we offer. The unbeliever who states accepts logic (inconsistently) will still, unless the Holy Spirit convicts them, reject our logical arguments. They might "regard" logical consistency as "evidence for inspiration," but because they abstract logic from the only worldview in which it can be situated, anything is possible, even "a most remarkable accident" such as the Bible. There are no end to excuses one might hear; grace is always needed.

If it seems I'm doing some gymnastics to defend Clark, I am only trying to be as charitable to him as I have tried to be with Van Til. The numerous quotes I've provided will hopefully provide some context. It's also worth pointing out that we saw Van Til admit in his lecture that Clark "virtually... says" that "the law of contradiction cannot work in a chance universe" (read again Clark's statement that "in logical theory there is no proposition on which a consistent believer and a consistent unbeliever can agree"). What Van Til sees from Clark as an actual admission that the truth of Christianity "may all depend" has, I content, a better, alternative explanation.

No one's theology nor historical accuracy in this post has been entirely without fault. I myself am capable of misrepresenting all of these men, but I have tried to document my position with specific examples. This is the sort of topic that probably requires a book-length treatment for anything resembling a resolution of views which have been argued for 80 years. It will probably require someone who has read both men and others deeply. This is challenging, because there are important documents (at least by or involving Clark) that remain publicly unavailable or unread. In time, I hope that changes.

For more on the idea Clark accepted "suppositionalism" or had a worldview in which he fundamentalized hypotheticals, see here.

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Unapologetica 19 Dec 2024 7:24 AM (4 months ago)

There is a part of me that has considered this blog as primarily a medium through which I can work out my own thoughts. But I do recognize that other people read it from time to time. I hope what I write strengthens those readers. 

Every so often, I try to remind myself why I gave this blog its title: while I frequently reflect on apologetic matters, 2 Corinthians 12:19 intimates that defenses I offer are not supposed to be of myself per se. So if - as a husband, father, son, brother, friend, or stranger - I've lost sight that my speech ought to be consciously performed in the sight of God as a Christian being conformed to Christ, the sort of apologetic in which I'm engaging is a failure that will build neither myself nor others up. This happens all too frequently. What can help?

Concrete imagery can ground us. We are meant to be the light of the world (Matthew 5:14-16). This is only possible because the Word is the redeeming light in whose image Christians are progressively conformed (Hebrews 1:3, John 1:9ff., 2 Corinthians 4:5-6, Romans 8:29, Ephesians 1:8-9). The word of the Word is a lamp unto our feet and light unto our path (Psalm 119:105). To the extent that we live our lives according to God's word, we ourselves are enlightened (Ephesians 1:17-18, 5:8-17). Thinking of light should almost trigger an automatic response of that on which we are already disposed to meditate. The same can be said of other imagery (linklinklinklink). The following passage is rich in wisdom:

2 Corinthians 2:17-3:5 ...we are not, like so many, peddlers of God's word, but as men of sincerity, as commissioned by God, in the sight of God we speak in Christ. Are we beginning to commend ourselves again? Or do we need, as some do, letters of recommendation to you, or from you? You yourselves are our letter of recommendation, written on our hearts, to be known and read by all. And you show that you are a letter from Christ delivered by us, written not with ink but with the Spirit of the living God, not on tablets of stone but on tablets of human hearts. Such is the confidence that we have through Christ toward God. Not that we are sufficient in ourselves to claim anything as coming from us, but our sufficiency is from God.

There is a clear connection to 2 Corinthians 12:19 here. Paul, speaking against in the sight of God as those in Christ, wishes to redirect focus from justifying himself to his love for God and His people. To do that, he uses an illustration in which he calls the Corinthians letters whose writ has been engraved in their hearts by the same Spirit working through Paul. In claiming not to peddle God's word, one might say that Paul indirectly objects to peddling the Corinthians themselves. He wishes for the words of God to be known and read by all that the sufficiency of the Author might be made manifest. Paul's writing etches a picture of the etching of the Spirit they share - indeed, the Spirit who initially worked through the word of God Paul preached to them. Do we consider ourselves to be letters of recommendation for our fellow Christians (not that we divine new truths or revelations but that we manifest, testify, and witness to God's sufficient word, as a mirror reflects light)?

Internalizing certain Scriptures also can keep us oriented in certain ways. For example, Romans 8:28 has kept me rooted in the knowledge of the goodness and power of God. If I ever even begin to doubt or experience a trial of the moment, this verse reminds me of the good telos God has planned for me and works on my behalf. That's an example which pertains more to individual assurance, but the same principle applies to internalizing the second (and first, of course) greatest commandment(s). The question is: are we trying to correctly orient ourselves in these ways?

Finally, there is also some measure of comfort we can take in God's word when it seems all our efforts to help others go unrecognized or do not bear fruit. We know that just as we have been etched by the Spirit, we too etch our markings in history. What goes unnoticed for a time doesn't always remain that way. A proper perspective of history should keep up from impatience and despair (link, cf. 1 Corinthians 1:27-29).

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A Review of "The Bible, Verification, and First Principles of Reason" (Without Excuse) 19 Dec 2024 4:36 AM (4 months ago)

Last year, I posted a few extended comments on a footnote that referenced Gordon Clark in chapter 11 of Without Excuse (link). In this post, I plan to focus attention on chapter one. It's the essay I found to be the most interesting, contains the only other mentions of Clark in the book, and can also be read for free (link).

The author, M. Dan Kemp, proposes the following thesis: “…if the Christian Scriptures constitute or form the basis for all human knowledge, attempts to verify the Christian Scriptures are not epistemically profitable” (pg. 1). When I read this for the first time, it sounded like Mr. Kemp was suggesting that a Christian foundationalist who accepts Scripture as his epistemic foundation cannot know his epistemic foundation by inferential reasoning. Therefore, any further attempts made towards that end - knowing the Christian Scriptures are true - would not be profitable. 

I would have agreed with Mr. Kemp to the extent that the sort of "human knowledge" in question are true beliefs humans have that are epistemically justified in an internalist and infallibilist sense. That is, in some contexts, while I think "knowledge" might legitimately refer to something other than this (e.g. mere true beliefs; true beliefs that are justified in an externalist sense), there are ways in which internalist and infallibilist "knowledge" is distinctively important. I think the latter knowledge alone can provide grounds for full assurance of salvation or a defense of one's beliefs. With these qualifications in mind - and the importance of these qualification will become more apparent later on - Mr. Kemp's thesis seems sound.

Immediately following this thesis, however, Mr. Kemp says:

This result is particularly acute in readings of Scripture passages that seem to provide methods of verification for a word of God. I argue that the position put forward by Clark, Van Til, and Frame entails a reading of these passages that renders them useless as criteria of verification, even though, on the contrary, the passages present themselves as such. In short, the popular reply to critics of the Clark and Van Til school mentioned above does not succeed. (Without Excuse, pgs. 1-2)

As I initially read this, the first question I had was what Mr. Kemp thinks "verification" means. More on this below.

The second question I had was why Mr. Kemp seems to suggest that Clark, Van Til, and Frame had a singular "position" on this topic. From what follows in the rest of the chapter, Clark would have certainly disagreed with Frame et al. if, as Mr. Kemp thinks, these authors really were "insisting that first principles can be “proved” (i.e. demonstrated), albeit by circular means" (pg. 10). By at least the time he wrote "How Firm a Foundation?" in 1943 (also see below), there can be no question about how Clark viewed Scripture for the rest of his life. 

Clark did not think exactly as Frame and Van Til did. This fact is actually indicated by the only time Clark is even quoted in the entire chapter (in a section Mr. Kemp entitles, “Justification and Circularity,” no less!):

How do we know if a purported first principle is correct? Consider again the exchange about my birth city. If the Christian Scriptures are the first principle of reason, then it will not do for me to end the conversation by asserting that reliable witnesses, sensory experience, and memory ought to be believed. Even these principles require rational justification. Gordon Clark says,

Every philosophy must have a first principle, a first principle laid down dogmatically…Since therefore every philosophy must have its first indemonstrable axiom, the secularist cannot deny the right of Christianity to choose its own axiom. Accordingly, let the Christian axiom be the truth of the Scriptures. This is the Reformation principle sola scriptura. (Without Excuse, pg. 7)

Take another example of Clark's thought on this subject:

A recent book on Classical Apologetics tries to prove the divine origin and infallibility of the Bible on the premise that the Bible contains accounts of God’s miracles. This is circular reasoning: How do you know the Bible is God’s Word? Because it contains accounts of God’s miracles. How do you know that the accounts are true? Because they are in God’s inerrant Scripture! If anyone wish to prove that the Bible is a divine revelation, his premise cannot be the Bible itself. One does not prove the Pythagorean theorem on the basis that the squares of the other two sides equal the square of the hypotenuse. (Commentaries on Paul’s Epistles, 2005, pg. 314 [originally published in 1986 in his book, First & Second Thessalonians])

Is it not clear that Clark's position is different from any position which suggests that "first principles can be “proved” (i.e. demonstrated), albeit by circular means"? To my knowledge, there are only a few places one might try to find some indication that Clark approved of circular reasoning. The first comes from an article Clark wrote on "Apologetics" in 1957. In providing his understanding of Van Til's apologetic, Clark wrote:

In total opposition to Thompson's point of view, the Reformed apologist frankly admits that his methodology presupposes the truth of Christianity. Therefore "the issue between believers an unbelievers in Christian theism cannot be settled by a direct appeal to 'facts' or 'laws' whose nature is already agreed upon by both parties to the debate" (p. 117). Since "there is one system of reality of which all that exists forms a part," and since "any individual fact of this system is what it is in this system," it follows that apart from Christian presuppositions "no facts mean anything at all" (p. 164). "All reasoning is, in the nature of the case, circular reasoning. The starting point, the method, and the conclusions are always involved in one another" (p. 118). These quotations, of course, seriously abbreviate Van Til's exposition, but if one keeps in mind the acknowledged control of axioms over theorems, and the theorem's presupposing the axioms, in which case geometry itself may loosely be called circular reasoning, it will not be too difficult to grasp Van Til's thought. 
But apologetics is more complicated than plane geometry, and the matter of the starting point becomes involved with the notion of a common ground, the noetic effects of sin, and a theory of analogy.

In this discussion of the starting point with the example of the axioms and theorems of geometry, it is immediately obvious that there can be no theorem common to two systems of geometry. 

At least three observations mitigate against interpreting the above as evidence that Clark's accepted the epistemic legitimacy of circular reasoning. Firstly, Clark is expositing Van Til's thought, not expressing his own. As the rest of the article shows, Clark's "grasp" of Van Til of Van Til's thought cannot be equated with his acceptance of Van Til's thought. 

Secondly, anyone who believes that the above summary implies some measure of agreement between Clark and Van Til must first acknowledge Clark's own qualifications: axioms "control" theorems, circular reasoning is only "loosely" allowed as a referent to the geometric analogy (in particular), etc. This is not the language of traditional coherentism.

Finally, the above context is not only about Van Til's thought in general, it's specific to Van Til's thought on apologetics. The title of the article itself makes that obvious. This is important, as epistemology (the focus of Mr. Kemp's essay) is a distinct discipline. Apologetics is a discipline which itself presupposes epistemology. An allowance for self-reference or circular reasoning in a context in which one is defending his faith (see below) is entirely different from allowing self-reference or circular reasoning in a context of epistemic justification (see the above quotes from Clark). 

So much for this example. The only other location I could find that might afford reason for thinking Clark advocated circular reasoning is from an article he wrote in 1963 entitled, "How May I Know the Bible is Inspired?" He writes:

The first reason for believing the Bible is inspired is that the Bible claims to be inspired. When this reason is offered to an unbeliever, almost always his immediate reaction is derision. To him it is very much like putting a liar on the witness stand and having him swear to tell the truth. But why a liar? Do not honest witnesses also swear to tell the truth? Yet even a Christian with a smattering of logic may object to this procedure because it seems to beg the question. It is circular. We believe the Bible to be inspired because it makes the claim, and we believe the claim because it is inspired and therefore true. This does not seem to be the right way to argue.

It must be granted that not every claim is ipso facto true. There have been false witnesses in court, there have been false Messiahs, and there have been fraudulent so-called revelations. But to ignore the claim of the Bible, or of witnesses generally, is both an oversimplification and a mistake. For example, suppose the Bible actually says that it is not inspired. Or suppose merely that the Bible is completely silent on the subject – that it makes no more claim to divine inspiration than did Churchill. In such a case, if the Christian asserts that the book is inspired, the unbeliever would be sure to reply that he is going far beyond the evidence.

This reply is certainly just. There is no reason for making assertions beyond those that can be validly inferred from the statements of the Bible. But because this reply is so just, it follows that the unbeliever’s derision at our first remark was groundless. What the Bible claims is an essential part of the argument. The Christian is well within the boundaries of logic to insist that the first reason for believing in the inspiration of the Bible is that it makes this claim. (God’s Hammer, 1995, pgs. 2-3)

It may initially appear as if Clark is admitting as legitimate a circular "procedure." But even here, Clark admits that self-attestation simpliciter does not constitute a proof - as he puts it, "not every claim is ipso facto true." For example, the Bible claims to be God's word and the Quran claims to be God's word. Yet because the Bible contradicts the Quran, both claims cannot be true. An argument regarding the self-attesting nature of a source does not "prove" either is what it claims to be. 

But Clark does acknowledge that self-attestation is apologetically legitimate. A Christian can at least begin his defense of his faith by noting that the Bible claims to be God's word. But, for Clark, a "reason for believing the Bible" is not a suggestion that one's belief in the Bible is founded upon some more basic epistemic truth. Anyone who thinks that failed to read the rest of the article, let alone the rest of Clark's works. Clark clarifies:

Christianity is often repudiated on the ground that it is circular: The Bible is authoritative because the Bible authoritatively says so. But this objection applies no more to Christianity than to any philosophic system or even to geometry. Every system of organized propositions depends of necessity on some indemonstrable premises, and every system must make an attempt to explain how these primary premises come to be accepted. (God’s Hammer, 1995, pgs. 17-21)

Note that for Clark, self-attestation is not purported to be a demonstration of the truth of Christianity. Rather, he emphasizes that an objection Christians face regarding circular reasoning can be applied tu quoque to the objectors. Clark agrees with Mr. Kemp that “If Scriptures forms the basis of all knowledge, then all arguments for the trustworthiness of Scripture are circular” (pg. 2) - and then he extends this point to other worldviews with stated first principles. An apologetic which uses circular reasoning (e.g. self-attestation), as a means of converting unbelievers is not deficient; after all, how can anyone who would attempt defend his own, primary, indemonstrable premises do so without first knowing such premises? 

Again, apologetics presupposes epistemology. Thus, Clark is not suggesting that one's own, primary, indemonstrable premises are epistemically grounded in or demonstrated by prior reasons. This would be incoherent. For those interested, I've written more on coherentism, foundationalism, and self-attestation here and here.

Bringing the conversation back to Mr. Kemp's article: however Mr. Kemp responds to Frame et. al., his reply to Clark ought to be somewhat different. Here is the extent of Mr. Kemp's reply to the first Clark quote he referenced above:

According to this view, God’s revelation is the only ultimate principle. This claim has vexed many who hear it. If God’s revelation is the ultimate basis of all reason and knowledge, arguing with self-proclaimed nonbelievers becomes very complicated. On the one hand, the aim is to rationally motivate belief in the truth of the Christian Scriptures. On the other hand, on this view, reason presupposes the truth of the Christian Scriptures.

According to many who have espoused this view, the necessity of always and everywhere presupposing a proposition does not preclude the possibility of providing evidence for that proposition. Advocates of this view often emphatically tell us that evidence can be best, and indeed only, given for the existence of God when those evidences are put forth and interpreted according to “theistic standards,” which presuppose the existence of God. (Without Excuse, pgs. 7-8) 

We return to the crux of the issue: apologetics vs. epistemology. One can defend the faith by attacking another's first principles. Does such a procedure proceed from one's own first principles? Yes. And is the presuppositionalist suggesting that reason is only intelligible within the Christian worldview? Yes. But does that make the matter "very complicated," as Mr. Kemp suggests? I think not. It is legitimate and may be persuasive insofar as two people may share beliefs in common through which only one system can provide legitimate justification. I could just say that "the Bible is the basis for all knowledge; therefore, whatever basis you have can't be known." But an apologetic doesn't have to be that. 

I've spoken on this before (linklink), but let's ask anyway: "Why not? Can't the Spirit work to convict the minds of sinners, no matter what? If the root of the problem unbelievers have with Scripture is an ethical rebellion to it, isn’t proclaiming the simple truth sufficient opportunity by which the Spirit may work to remove an unbeliever’s rebellious spirit?" Sure - but the Spirit also works through ordinary means, and such may also involve removing barriers to belief. Stopping the mouths of unbelievers might involve explaining why their worldview does not account for knowledge. This could be persuasive even though it is an apologetic which proceeds from one's own, unproved first principle. That has uses.

If I ask someone who is blindfolded which picture I've drawn represents a person, they won’t be able to determine what I am drawing before their blindfold is removed. On the other hand, a picture must nevertheless be present so that if the blindfold is removed, they can determine what has been drawn. Now, I might draw a simple stick figure. If a drawing must be present for the blindfold to be removed, a simple picture would indeed suffice. The person whose blindfold is removed might even be able to pick out my drawing of a stick figure amongst other pictures that are not of persons. On the other hand, it wouldn’t hurt for me to erase some pictures beforehand so that a person is more apt to focus on my person picture – simply conceived or more well-drawn – in the case the blindfold is removed.

The blindfold is ethical rebellion, and only the Spirit can remove it. But the Spirit does so only when the truth is set before someone. It is often the case that the Spirit works when we do and rewards extra effort we put in. Part of this process can include erasing false pictures or worldviews. That removes barriers to aid in focusing on the truth, which has rational motivation and yet does not require an epistemology on which the truth of the Christian Scriptures are known by inference or verification. 

Also, apologetics is not just a rational enterprise. There is not only value in a defense of the faith along rational lines. If we are created by God, may we not suppose beauty, behavior, etc. have a role in persuasion (link)? Aesthetics matter - drawing on the above illustration, for example, there are better and worse pictorial representations of persons (and better and worse representations of Christianity), even if all the representations truly are of persons (and Christianity). 

While Mr. Kemp may find it vexing that God's revelation ought to be regarded as the "basis" of human reason, Clark simplifies what Mr. Kemp views as a complicated apologetic situation in the following article Clark wrote in 1943, which I quote at length: 

But the large majority of people who call themselves Christian in this twentieth century regard the Bible as a very infirm foundation. The appeal today is to experience and reason. It is even stated that it is of no use to talk with those who believe the Bible because talking itself is an appeal to reason. One must choose either reason or authority; one cannot have his Bible and his reason too.

A rational being, the liberals argue, cannot abdicate the throne of his autonomy. He cannot avoid the necessity of making the final decision, and even if he decides to abdicate, it is he who decides. Further, if he should abdicate, the question would always remain whether or not he should reascend the throne - and again it would be he who would make the decision.

The liberal continues: Reason cannot abdicate because it must choose from among different alleged revelations. And to try to persuade a person of the truth of a revelation implies that there is a common ground of persuasion. That common ground is reason. Anyone who argues or persuades at all recognizes reason as the final court.

Is there any reply that an orthodox Christian can make without denying the principle of authority?

The first observation is that the fact that a decision is our own does not imply that we are the final authority. If a person wishes to measure a distance, there are essentially only two ways of doing it. He may look at the distance and guess its length. This is not a very accurate method, nor does it make the guesser the final court of appeal; but it illustrates the attempt to make one's unaided reason the final court. The second method is to use an accurate measuring device such as a yardstick. In using this method, it is we, of course, who make the decision, but we appeal to the yardstick. And the second method has the advantage of being much more accurate. In such a situation, most people do not object to being bound by an external authority.

Since all analogies have their limits, a second observation must question the matter of abdication. To abdicate a throne, it is absolutely essential first to be on the throne. A person who has never been king cannot possibly abdicate. The liberals simply assume that man is on the throne, but that is the very point at issue. If God is on the throne, and if man is not autonomous, then the liberal argument is completely irrelevant.

A third observation is all that the present limits allow. The liberal has argued that we must choose the yardstick, one revelation among other alleged revelations, and that no doubt we seek to persuade others of the truth of the revelation we have chosen. But to persuade is to appeal to the common ground of reason.

This very plausible argument is obtained only by misunderstanding the implications of supernaturalism. To convict supernaturalism of inconsistency, it is necessary to represent it accurately. The plausibility of the objection to orthodox Christianity results from combining a supernatural view of revelation with a purely naturalistic view of persuasion. And the result is easily shown to be inconsistent. But if persuasion and revelation both are understood supernaturally, no inconsistency can be found. For, be it observed, there is no such thing as a common ground between the Christian and a nonchristian system. From a world naturalistically conceived, one cannot argue to the God of the Christians. From a world-view that denies all revelation, one cannot produce a Biblical revelation. Persuasion therefore is not an appeal to a common ground or to a nonchristian reason. Persuasion must be regarded as a supernatural work of the Holy Spirit. The true Christian presents the Christian faith to unbelievers, he explains it and shows it in its fullness. Then the Christian prays that the Holy Spirit regenerate, his auditor, renew his mind, and enable him to see the truth of what has been said. This is not an appeal to experience, or to reason, or to a common ground; it is an appeal to the sovereign God of the universe. (link, 1943. "How Firm a Foundation?" The Presbyterian Guardian Sep. 10, Vol. 12, No. 16, 252.)

Mr. Kemp's vexation with Clark's presuppositionalism was whether "self-proclaimed nonbelievers" can be "rationally motivate[d to] belief in the truth of the Christian Scriptures." Clark's above reply demonstrates that such apologetic persuasion is possible but dependent on the work of the Spirit: properly grounded human reason indeed "presupposes the truth of the Christian Scriptures," the very thing nonbelievers reject. Yet because the Spirit operates through the witness of believers, a believer may "aim... to rationally motivate belief in the truth of the Christian Scriptures" while prayerfully relying on the Spirit to remove any kind of barrier to the apologist's rational argumentation.

Does anyone deny that grace is necessary for unbelievers to accept [the premises of] Christianity? I would think Mr. Kemp would also admit this. Neither the presuppositionalist nor Mr, Kemp can ipso facto cause a change of mind by argumentation. To be fair, Mr. Kemp is not the only person who has struggled to understand the importance of the Spirit in Clark's apologetic. Even church historians such as Alan D. Strange have a false understanding:

One might argue that mysticism and pietism emphasize the Spirit without the Word and rationalism and orthodoxism the Word without the Spirit. The OPC has consciously sought to avoid both of these errors, the former in something like the Peniel movement and the latter in something like the Clark case... (Confident of Better Things, pg. 74)

Mr. Strange must be ignorant of articles such as "How Firm a Foundation?" For historians to perpetuate errors such as these illustrates the need for further research about what Clark actually thought. 

So rational motivation is possible. Clark thought unbelievers could reason validly insofar as they can accept conclusions which logically follow from certain premises - and they can do this even apart from presupposing the truth of Christian Scriptures. Unbelievers are still images of God, and they can follow valid arguments Christians make, so Christians have a point of contact with unbelievers in that they can show the reasoning of unbelievers to be unsound or false. That is, while unbelievers can reason validly, such reasoning will not be sound and cannot count as knowledge in an internalist, infallibilist sense, for the premises of unbelievers will necessarily either be false or unknowable (given the worldview of the unbeliever). 

Again, this all deals in apologetics. We aren't proving Christianity by arguing against others' worldviews, but we are implicitly defending it. Practically speaking (which is what apologetics is concerned with, insofar as the apologetic used is also true), an unbeliever won't have an infinite number of alternative worldviews in mind when you're discussing with him. 

Mr. Kemp can't categorize Clark with those who think that Scripture could be epistemically evidenced. All this points to a failure by Mr. Kemp to make good on his statement that Clark's "school" of thought doesn’t “succeed.” In fact, Clark's school of thought is barely engaged!

This ends Mr. Kemp's explicit reference to Clark, but I'll address what other parts of the chapter I think are relevant to his thought - not necessarily in page order - beginning with the question of what Mr. Kemp meant when he suggested that "Scripture passages... seem to provide methods of verification for a word of God." 

What Mr. Kemp means may involve an implicit critique of Clark even if we distinguish Clark's view from that of Frame, Van Til, and others. What, then, does Mr. Kemp mean by "verification"? It appears he means something like "infer[ential reasoning]." 

First principles are known indemonstrably. They are not known by inference from some other proposition. No argument can be given for first principles, but the Bible seems to assume that arguments for divine revelation can be given. Thus, Frame has not shown us why we should not read Scripture as prima facie evidence against the view that Scripture is the first principle of all knowledge. In fact, he makes matters worse by suggesting we “broaden the circle.” Increasing the distance between, say, “God exists” in the conclusion and “God exists” in the premises only gives the appearance of demonstrative knowledge. But in fact, insofar as such arguments are subjectively persuasive, they present a first principle as if it were something else. This is telling since it does not necessarily count against a belief to be put forward as self-justifying. But they should be asserted in their naked glory so that they can be known by themselves (per se) or their lack of self-evidence acknowledged. This constant inclination to regard Christianity as demonstrable may, I suggest, be the result of the operative but unacknowledged belief that it does not form the basic principle of all knowledge. 
Scripture provides examples of God’s Word being tested. Further, these instances of verification are not plausibly explained as broadly circular arguments, that is, circular arguments that incorporate several premises. Broadly circular arguments include premises and sub-arguments that do not provide evidence for the conclusion. They do not make the conclusion more credible than otherwise. Thus, they are not useful as arguments. They are psychologically useful or persuasive, as my argument notes, but this is the very problematic thing about them. Their usefulness is not in any rational element in them, and thus they are deceptive as arguments. It is therefore not flattering to Scripture to understand it as putting forth broadly circular arguments when alternative interpretations are available.  
This result prompts us to consider that there may be multiple first principles of knowledge rather than just one. Knowledge is not a system neatly worked out from a single indemonstrable axiom. Rather, there are many sources of knowledge—sensory experience, testimony, memory, conscience, and divine revelation—working together to inform our judgments. I leave the task of working out these various faculties of knowledge for another day. (Without Excuse, pg. 30) 

I'll return to "verification" in a moment. Mr. Kemp says he leaves the defense of his own position for another day, so I would normally absent myself from feeling the need to critique his view except where his attacks against my position provide occasion for it. That will largely be the case since I've talked about the topics he mentions in other posts. But Mr. Kemp does provide a few remarks about his own position that I'll address. 

One must first question what is Mr. Kemp's working definition of "knowledge." He writes, "A source of knowledge can be without a foundation and fallible" (pg. 6). Firstly, this is not the sort of "knowledge" presuppositionalists like Clark primarily are interested in, so if Mr. Kemp is suggesting that the presuppositionalist's claim that God's word is the basis for "all knowledge" includes "fallible knowledge," his entire chapter sadly rests on an equivocation and false assumption. He has smuggled into the definition of "knowledge" something with which the presuppositionalist is unconcerned. That is, I'm not aware of any presuppositionalist who would suggest that the Bible is the source of all ranges of meaning of "knowledge." Secondly, while Mr. Kemp says his "next few paragraphs will show" that his claim is true, I must be missing where he did that (or else I would have replied). Closest I can find actually is on pg. 4, which comes earlier: 

...imagine that you ask me why it is that I believe that I was born in Nuremburg. I reply that my parents told me I was. If you ask me why I believe my parents, I will tell you that they have been generally reliable in the past. Now here you can ask me at least two questions: (a) how I know that my parents have been reliable, and (b) why reliable witnesses ought to be believed. There appears to be no answer to (b), which asks for a reason to believe a self-evidently true proposition. Under normal conditions, and absent defeaters, reliable witnesses ought to be believed. My answer to (a) might be that my senses and memory tell me that many things my parents told me were in fact true. You might then ask me why I ought to trust my senses and why I ought to trust my memory. To that, again, I need not give an answer. I do not draw an inference from some more basic principle to my trust in my senses and memory. I just find myself doing so, and it seems right to do so.

It "seems right"? Is this really enough to "rationally motivate" anyone to accept Mr. Kemp's view? There's a seeming double standard at play. Now, I actually think Mr. Kemp's position could be tweaked to fit within the presuppositionalist system. But if Mr. Kemp is suggesting that he can "know" he was born in Nuremburg apart from a worldview grounded in divine revelation, I think he is mistaken. Clark made the point that children can be switched at birth - unlikely, perhaps, but not impossible. And if Mr. Kemp isn't talking about infallible knowledge, we must again point out to Mr. Kemp that Clark's presuppositionalism (at least) is concerned with full assurance or infallibilist justification. Admitting we could be "defeated" is precisely what we want to avoid when we defend Christianity.

Also, we could discuss what counts as a "reliable witness." Scripture itself is a "reliable" witness - an infallible witness - so there is a sense in which one can agree that "reliable" witnesses ought to be trusted. But short of infallibility, what counts as "reliable"? Now, if Scripture legitimizes certain, fallible witnesses, we have an answer to this question. But this again grounds our worldview in divine revelation, precisely what Mr. Kemp wants to deny. Instead, he doesn’t find anything "more basic" (trustworthy?) than his memory or senses. He says these are all something like conjoint first principles, “ultimate” in that each cannot “be reasonably questioned.” Can’t they? Didn't I just do that in the last few paragraphs?  

It is interesting that while Mr. Kemp says he can't find anything more basic that his memory or senses, he advocates for the idea that Scripture is "absolutely ultimate" in that it can "override" anything contradictory and cannot be overridden. So at least Mr. Kemp agrees that Scripture can't be defeated. But that admission concedes that "knowledge" had by divine revelation is in a different category altogether. As I said, Mr. Kemp pushes a multi-source theory of "knowledge" but equivocates on the meaning of the word. This undermines his thesis.

Returning to Mr. Kemp's comments on pg. 30 (see above), an attempt to epistemically "verify” (or "infer") that something is true would seem to fall into one of four different structural proposals by which a person might try to justify his beliefs: 1) an infinite chain of verification/justification (infinitism), 2) circular verification/justification (traditional coherentism), 3) verification/justification from a basis that is itself unjustified (positism), or 4) verification/justification from a basis that is itself justified (foundationalism).

If the Christian Scriptures constitute or form the basis for all human knowledge - as presuppositionalists whom Kemp intends to engage believe - then infinitism is not a live option. If Scripture itself can be known - as Christians should affirm - then neither is positism. I think the value of the Mr. Kemp's chapter is its insistence that circular reasoning is of no epistemic profit. I further discuss why I disagree with these proposals regarding the structure of epistemic justification here, here, and hereThat leaves foundationalism. 

Given the above, let's run through the rest of what Mr. Kemp says: does accepting foundationalism mean "No argument can be given for first principles"? As discussed already, no: apologetic arguments can be given. Is there a "rational" element in this argumentation? Yes: while the argumentation does not increase the epistemic justification for belief in God's word, removing intellectual barriers is rational. Displaying (to what extent is possible for us) the internal consistency of God's word is rational. Drawing better pictures is rational.

But further, is it "deceptive" to make arguments that are non-rational, psychological, or persuasive? How does that follow? I've given the following illustration several times before that shows just how nonsensical is Mr. Kemp's assertion (link): 

When a mom calls a child to dinner, she doesn’t need to identify who she is for the child to "know" who is calling. If she did identify herself, such self-attestation ("Ryan Hedrich, your mom is calling you!") wouldn’t be "needed"... but it also wouldn’t be unreasonable. Self-attestation might serve as a reminder to the child to take her words seriously. Aside from questions of knowledge, such reminders might have a psychological or pragmatic purpose (e.g. behavior reinforcement, mindfulness).

How is it deceptive for a mother to identify herself when she thinks such might cause a correction in her child's behavior? 

Similarly, experiencing what we already know is valuable. We can have full assurance of our complete salvation while we yet look forward to experiencing our great reward. We can have full assurance that God's word is true without having experienced said truth in certain ways: divine providence, historical confirmations, prayerful effectuality, etc. But when we do experience these things, it isn't deceptive to bring them up to those who would attempt to undermine our foundation. 

That ties in to another dimension of our Christian life: to behave like a Christian. Do we not defend our faith to remain faithful in the face of persecution, even to the point of martyrdom? How about when we sacrifice to help others? I suppose Mr. Kemp could reply that such behavioral apologetics are really rational in that we suffer unto glory and are humiliated unto exaltation (like our Savior), but I don't think something like rational anticipation of future reward is often (let alone always) in the minds of believers and unbelievers in these cases.

Arguments for divine revelation can be given, then. No one denies that. The question is whether such are of "epistemic profit." Mr. Kemp thinks so, citing a few Scriptures. He claims, “…no complicated exegesis is required for my argument” (pg. 3). Well, whether that is so or not is irrelevant. What matters is if his exegesis is sound, and I will argue it is not. 

The first passage cited is Exodus 4. But when one reads this passage, all that is indicated is that if one sign does not persuade the Israelites, another might. This is language of causation: certain signs might cause them to believe. Nowhere is it suggested that miracles are epistemically more basic than or on par with divine revelation, as if the word of God through Moses was itself insufficient. So if "verification" refers to epistemic inference, it isn’t unintelligible to deny Mr. Kemp's assertion that “Moses’ authority as a speaker of God’s word is verified by miraculous events” (pg. 13). At most, we can say that what is happening is that gracious Yahweh is drawing the Israelites fuller, better pictures. But even this is apologetic, not epistemic.

The second passage Mr. Kemp mentions is Deuteronomy 18. Mr. Kemp says, “Deuteronomy anticipates that some would claim to receive a prophecy from God, and that such claims will need to be tested” (pg. 13). Well, tested, yes. Verified, no; rather, falsified. Read verse 21 closely: "How may we know the word that the Lord has not spoken?"

Now, we could delve into what meaning of "know" might here be in use. The crux, though, is that this passage primarily deal with how to falsify false prophets. In fact, any two people can predict contradictories ("It will rain tomorrow;" "It will not rain tomorrow"), both claim divine prophecy, and one will be falsified. And while the other will be right, does that mean the Mr. Kemp thinks said person has been verified as a divine prophet? I doubt it. As a species of divine revelation, the Bible does not require external, epistemic authentication. 

[Side note: our foundational principle ought to be more broad than that Scripture is the sole source or basis of all knowledge (link). Something like, "special divine revelation - the extant extent of which is codified in the Scriptures - is the premise with which one must begin in order to intentionally defend his beliefs with full assurance." This indicates acceptance of infallible, internalist, and propositional knowledge and takes God's word to be the sufficient condition (which accounts for all subsidiary, necessary conditions for knowledge, cf. link) for said knowledge.]

To summarize the response to Mr. Kemp's citations, then, the biblical contexts he mentions do not say that inspired revelations “appeal to something other than themselves… in order to be known as Scripture” (pg. 15). In fact, in one context, "knowledge" isn’t even mentioned, and in the other, the only "knowledge" given is of who is not a prophet. Further, Deuteronomy 18 is only applicable if one even thinks to ask the question in the first place. 

I'll also offer some pushback against statements like, “God does not deliver the Word and then remain silent, expecting the recipients to take it on a sheer leap of blind faith” (pg. 14). What does Mr. Kemp make of Abraham's ordeal in Genesis 22 (cf. Hebrews 11)? And was Abraham's faith "blind," or did he not have every reason to suppose Isaac would return with him? Either way, God's word was itself sufficient for Abraham to know to obey.

I've been critical of Mr. Kemp throughout this post, but I will end on a positive note. I said earlier that think the value of the Mr. Kemp's chapter is its insistence that circular reasoning is of no epistemic profit. After citing Greg Bahnsen and John Frame on pgs. 9-10, I'll repeat an earlier quote: “The thought pushed by Bahnsen and Frame in these passages departs with this school by insisting that first principles can be “proved” (i.e. demonstrated), albeit by circular means” (pg. 10).

Now, I'll leave it to Van Tilian apologists to make their own case on behalf of Bahnsen and Frame. My initial impression is that Mr. Kemp has a point against Frame and makes a good case for it in the rest of his chapter. The Bahnsen citation could instead be a reference to a sort of coherentism that actually is meta-justificatory foundationalism (link). If I'm right, while I would disagree with Bahnsen, I don't know if he can be called a traditional coherentist (i.e. circularist). In any case, Clark cannot be associated with these views, and I hope we see more future engagement with his actual thought from theologians and philosophers.

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Divine Determinism: Engaging Eastern Orthodox Criticisms 16 Dec 2024 11:59 AM (4 months ago)

In a few posts, I've mentioned Eastern Orthodox apologist Russ Manion. Since numerous Eastern Orthodox apologists and philosophers seem to have been influenced by his [rather scantily available] work, I've found it useful to read him myself. Elsewhere, I've outlined how he borrowed from Reformed presuppositionalists in ways current Eastern Orthodox apologists have either failed to grasp or follow (linklink). 

I've also acknowledged that it is of course the case that I would find areas of disagreement with him. I'm not Eastern Orthodox, after all. This post will engage one such area. In the course of an hypothetical dialog on metaphysical naturalism, Manion writes (link):

“Is your reason, your mind, your thoughts, your ideas, your beliefs, your brain a part of nature?” I tried to speak, but could not open my mouth. He was doing it again. It was obvious where he was going. I did not want to go there. But, I did not know how to stop it. His logic was seamless. Yet, I knew he must be wrong. After all, here I was reasoning with him, wasn’t I? I answered, “of course it is. As you have pointed out so many times already today, if they were not, I would not be a naturalist.” “Then they must all be determined, aren’t they?” He affirmed. And there it was. It was to easy. The point was succinct. There are few terms. There was very little room for error. But, I wasn’t about to help him. If he wanted the point, he would have to make it. “So, they are determined.” I said. “What has that to do with reason?” “I would think that is quite clear.” He began. “If all your beliefs are determined, then any particular belief is determined, isn’t it?” “Now you’re stating the obvious.” I replied. “You’re taking awfully small steps aren’t you?” “Would you prefer I skip a step?” he countered smiling, “Since any particular belief is determined, you have no choice but to believe it. It is held, not on the basis of good reason, but because it is the consequent of antecedent causes. You do not choose your beliefs. You hold the beliefs you do, because of the antecedent state of the universe, whether that belief is true or not.”

Objections were finally coming to me. I asked, “What if the antecedent causes are the reasons. Wouldn’t it be the case then that we are caused to believe something because it is true?” He didn’t even flinch. He simply responded, “That makes no difference. If all beliefs are determined, so is your belief in naturalism. There are a couple of problems here. First, it does no good to cite your reasons for holding a position. If the position you hold is determined, you would hold it regardless of the reasons given. Furthermore, the reasons you give are every bit as determined as the belief they are intended to justify. Thus, you would offer those reasons even if they are not valid. Remember, as a determinist, it is not just your conclusions that are determined, but every notion, justification, and thought you have. “The second problem has to do with the fact that there are those who disagree with you. As a naturalist you believe that the beliefs of the supernaturalist are also determined. In fact, they are determined by the same antecedent state of the universe as your naturalistic belief is. How, therefore, could we possibly discriminate between the two beliefs? If all caused beliefs are true, and all beliefs are caused, then all beliefs are true, even the belief that it is not the case that all beliefs are true.”

Note again that the context of this dialog is between a metaphysical naturalist and a Socratic figure - the latter of whom also turns out to be a metaphysical naturalist (albeit a more "consistent" one in that he follows their premises to the absurd entailments). As we will see below, by the end of the conversation, the roles reverse, and the former protagonist for metaphysical naturalism will turn the tables on his Socratic interlocutor by abandoning the position.

Now, what I've highlighted above must be disambiguated from this context in order to assess whether the stated problem with the determinism of the protagonist is 1) in virtue of his "metaphysical naturalism" or 2) is a problem with determinism as such. I think Manion just has the former in mind - here, at least. If so, perhaps I wouldn't disagree with Manion after all. 

In fact, a Reformed Christian could agree with Manion's points if he indeed restricts the problem to the domain of "metaphysical naturalism," the definition of which can be hard to pin down (link) but seems to be associated by Perry Robinson - the author of the Eastern Orthodox blog in which this conversation was posted - with some form of materialism. In his final comment on the post, Robinson writes:

As for logic and the universe, the reason why the naturalist has a hard time with this is manifold. Presumably the laws of logic aren’t material things or reducible to material things.

If logic is immaterial and "good reason" presupposes logic, then it would indeed be impossible for a materialist to have determined beliefs which are held "on the basis of good reason."

A further reason a Reformed Christian could agree with Manion here is that unlike the metaphysical naturalists in his dialog, a Reformed Christian would say that effects are always determined by the "antecedent state of the universe." After all, unlike the metaphysical naturalist, the Reformed Christian will regard the "universe" itself is an effect - of God's free, non-necessitated choice. Just so, God's free choice may effect our beliefs by supernatural means (as well as by ordinary, second causes). An obvious example would be that Reformed Christians argue regeneration leads to belief in the gospel. I'll speak more on this below.

Another reason to think he only has metaphysical naturalism in mind is that his following statement seems to entail fatalism or necessitarianism, which a Reformed Christian is quite capable of denying (linklinklink): 

If the position you hold is determined, you would hold it regardless of the reasons given. Furthermore, the reasons you give are every bit as determined as the belief they are intended to justify. Thus, you would offer those reasons even if they are not valid.

To spell out a reply in a little more detail, while the Reformed Christian does indeed believe our positions are determined, we might not have held them were God to have decreed otherwise. Indeed, I think this argument in italics is quite weak, as the very next line concedes that "the reasons you give are every bit as determined as the belief they are intended to justify." That being the case, it cannot be that even a metaphysical naturalist would hold a position "regardless of the reasons given" except insofar as naturalism is incompatible with logic (in which case my response would be the same as what I mentioned earlier) or is necessitarian (unlike Reformed theology). On the contrary, one's position is held precisely because of the reasons given - in other words, only certain means lead to certain ends, which is anti-fatalistic. 

Further, if one is determined to offer invalid reasons for a position, does that mean it is impossible for anyone whose discernments are determined to discern said invalid reasoning? Not for a Reformed Christian. God can determine that people hold [right] beliefs for right reasons or to discern when people (or, upon self-reflection, even oneself) hold beliefs for wrong reasons. Again, then, a charitable understanding of Manion would be that he is specifically arguing against metaphysical naturalism. The context of the above quote and later ones like it seem to confirm this interpretation: 

I sat around for weeks in an epistemic frump. I spent my time flipping through magazines and popularized treatments on modern physics. You know, Schrodinger cat stuff. Every once in a while I would get a surge of confidence and blurt, “Of course I know some things.” Then I would remember that as the chemical tide of my brain ebbs and flows, I would think such things whether they are true or not. Tide in, “I believe such and such to be the case because I have good reason to believe it.” Tide out, “I believe the universe is acting out in me the belief that such and such is the case and that I have good reasons to believe it, whether or not such and such is true.

Now, it is often true that one might mistakenly believe that he has good reasons for a position. But this is true irrespective of whether one's belief [as well as his reasons] are determined. The point, then, is that apologists for Eastern Orthodoxy, Arminianism, et al. cannot misapply these arguments to the context of Reformed theology. 

A while later in Manion's dialog, we read:

"...Would it be fair to say I believe nihilism follows from determinism whereas you do not?” “Yes I think that would be an accurate statement,” I replied. “I don’t think it’s accurate at all.” He surprised me. “The language is not naturalistic. It originates from a time when the predominant metaphysical position was dualism. People thought reality consisted of matter much as we do, but they also believed reality consisted of mind. They believed man was essentially transcendental and could act independent of, and on, the material world. Man himself was not determined. But as a naturalist you have already agreed that mind, ideas, thoughts, and beliefs are all phenomena of nature haven’t you?” I thought a moment, “Sure,” I said. He continued, “It would follow then, that we do not do anything. We do not act on nature. We are actions of nature. Our thoughts, beliefs and reasons do not come from us, they come to us. My belief that determinism leads to nihilism is not my idea, it is an idea that nature has in me. The “idea” is an event in nature that occurs in association with the event in nature called “me.” Do you agree with this?"

“I suppose I would have to. I do not believe we transcend nature.” I answered. “But this is in keeping with my robot paradigm. Their sensory apparatus and their programs were all put into them. Yet, the ones that avoid the obstacles survive. Obviously, they knew something the others didn’t.” He countered, “The robots know nothing. Simply, the ones set up to avoid obstacles, avoid obstacles, the ones that don’t, don’t. Can we say that water flows to the ocean because it knows the way? Does water that finds its’ way to the ocean know something that other water doesn’t? You see, water simply does what nature would have it do. So the robots do what their environment, sensory apparatus, and programs would have them do. Their actions are caused. They cause nothing. In like manner we believe what nature would have us believe. We do nothing. We are the repository of certain thoughts. I do not create my beliefs. I am simply a repository of belief. All of it, my beliefs, my thoughts, my reasons, even the language by which I try to explain them, are simply acts of nature.

“OK,” I said. “I already agreed everything is determined, and I’ll agree that our language has traces of transcendentalism in it. But still, if I am nothing more than a nexus of nature where the phenomena of thought, belief, and reason are expressed, then that is what I am. I can live with that, and that is not nihilism.” “Are not both of us aspects or events of the same natural world?” he asked. “Certainly,” I answered, “No one would question that.” “Does the nature of the universe differ in regard to you than it does for me?” he asked. “No, of course not,” I replied. “Is there a qualitative or quantitative difference in the natural world that causes your beliefs and the natural world that causes my beliefs?” he asked. “No, you know I believe there is only one natural world. Please stop trying to lead me,” I responded. “Then,” he asked, “how is it that you and I disagree?” I believe that determinism leads logically to nihilism and you do not. Yet, both our beliefs are grounded in the same cause, the antecedent state of the universe. Granted, we differ in our spatial and temporal relations to the universe, but how do I know which relationship is privileged to know the truth? I have only those beliefs, reasons, and thoughts that nature has given me. I can not get behind nature, look at it, compare it to my beliefs, evaluate my reasons, and find out if they are valid. I can think you are wrong only by assuming that my relationship is privileged, that it has caused in me truth and caused in you error. But, since you believe as you do, and believe you are right, you too, must make the same assumption of privilege. And everyone who thinks, must make this assumption of privilege for every opinion they hold. In the end we must admit that nature holds a myriad of contrary positions on every subject. And on every subject all contrary opinions but one must be wrong. If one is true, it is by accident, but we can never know which it is, for we can only hold the opinion we are given. We can know the truth of nothing, hence nihilism.”

I felt as though the last door were closing. I didn’t have much confidence left but thought I better ask any questions I still had. “How can you be a nihilist then? You obviously believe in naturalism and reason.” “I said I believe in naturalism and nihilism. I said I use reason. I did not say I knew them to be true. More accurately, I would say that in me nature holds a belief in naturalism and nihilism. It may even hold in me the belief that this is true, but I can never know it. As a nihilist, I believe that everyone is a nihilist, for everyone holds those beliefs nature has given him, even their beliefs in God and in truth. They cannot believe otherwise.”

There is quite a lot here to untangle. Once again, it seems as though Manion targets a specific kind of determinism: one in which our actions do not "transcend nature," in which our actions are "of nature," "naturalistic," etc. Does nihilism follow from this sort of determinism? Yes. If "nature" is all that is, then "nature" itself is meaningless; there are neither communicable, shareable, immaterial propositions nor corresponding metaphysical realities. 

Essential persistence and contingent change presuppose metaphysical grounding for a distinction between the two. If nature is all that is, there can be no distinction and you either have hyper-necessity or hyper-contingency. Eleatic monism is unintelligible due to its reductivity, and that which is unintelligible is meaningless; Hyper-Heraclitianism - on which the "man" changes as much as the "river" - is unintelligible for the opposite extreme of rejecting any commonalities. Hope for "meaning" utterly impossible, for "hope" is impersistent! There is no other option for the metaphysical naturalist, though, so nihilism follows. 

But Reformed theology is not subject to these criticisms (link). Man in particular transcends the rest of creation in being images of God. But our freedom is analogical to that of God. We will never be as God Himself is, so we don't function as the final, decisive factors who determine between contingent alternatives. God already did that according to His wisdom and good pleasure. Now, our freedom is genuine - we genuinely are free to desire, feel, think, choose. These have been determined - our freedom is a freedom "to," not a freedom "from" (especially not freedom "from" God's sovereign and eternal decree) - but these determinations could have been otherwise, and there is no resistance from us to that which we already [are determined to] want, do, believe, think, feel, etc. 

Criticisms such as that man must have an indeterministic freedom for it to be genuine really intend to suggest we must conceive of man's freedom as equivalent to God's freedom. Man is put too on par with God. It's idolatry. And raising man to equivalency with God will always, by the same token, lower God to the position of man. In this case, such is evident in that if man's freedom is indeterministic, God cannot be eternally omniscient. His knowledge would (per impossibile) depend on the temporal decisions of men. 

Men have all sorts of inventive ways to try to circumvent this inconvenient, simple truth. As I recall, in this case, Robinson's own preference is to advocate for what is called "suppositionalism," a pedantic position defended by philosopher Jonathan Kvanvig, particularly in chapter 8 of his Destiny and Deliberation. I read this chapter with all the sense of a man (who has realized his former position of Molinism is no good) trying to do his best to push and keep together two repelling magnets. I do not recommend anyone waste his or her time on the book. Bruce Langstry has given a good summary and then critique of Kvanvig here, the latter of which I quote:
Does the theory fulfill its restrained but important aims? Suppose that in the actual world God constructs, at some time t0, a complete suppositional story that specifies the occurrence, at time t10, of such-and-such undetermined events including free human actions. Suppose that God then, at time t1, resolves to bring about all and only the states of affairs that the complete suppositional story says he directly brings about, and that at time t2 he starts implementing his resolution. There is no room in the story for anything to occur which defeats the suppositional justification either for the chronicle of events or for the epistemic conditionals which undergird it. But even assuming that God in fact strongly actualizes all the states of affairs which the story says he strongly actualizes, there is room in the actual world for events to occur which defeat the justification God has at t2 for believing that what in fact happens will not deviate from the story.

Bearing this point in mind, consider the propositions (P) The specified undetermined events will occur at t10 and (Q) There will be no defeaters for the justification of (P). Assume that at t2 God has adequate reasons for believing P. These very same reasons also constitute adequate reasons for his then also believing Q. But neither the truth of Q nor God’s having adequate reasons for believing it establishes that God’s adequate reasons for believing P are indefeasible. According to Kvanvig, ‘grounds are defeasible when it is possible for these grounds to fully justify a given belief and yet that justification be overturned by further learning’ (p.157); presumably he means epistemically possible. For any agent who is aware that adequate reasons for belief are sometimes defeated, the mere possession of adequate reasons for a specific belief does not exclude the epistemic possibility that the belief is false. I can see no way that Kvanvig can rule out its being epistemically possible, relative to the adequate reasons God has at t2 for believing Q, that P is false and that God will, at least by t10 and afterwards, have learned that P is false.

It might be replied: If, in the circumstances under discussion, God’s belief P is false, God has at t2 no way of obtaining evidence that this is so; but this contradicts Kvanvig’s general premise that no truths are inscrutable, a premise which implies that if a person’s belief is justified and yet false then there is some truth of which rational inquirers can in principle become aware and which would thereby undermine the person’s adequate evidence for the belief’s truth.

The reply is mistaken. The general premise does not imply that if a person’s belief is justified and yet false then there is some truth of which rational inquirers can here and now in principle become aware and whose use as a premise would undermine the person’s adequate evidence for the belief’s truth. After all, if scientists are currently justified in believing that no humans will exist 10 billion years from now, and their belief is in fact false, then defeaters for their current reasoning might not become cognitively available in principle until a million years from now. Hence if in the circumstances under discussion, God’s beliefs P and Q are false, the general premise is compatible with the proposition that God at t2 has no way obtaining evidence that P and Q are false.

In short, the moment one starts talking about the possibility of God having false beliefs (and how could this not be possible if God has prior beliefs about man's future, indeterministic decisions?), one has abandoned the sovereignty of God.

Certain statements made in what Manion says above might have been intended only to apply in the context of metaphysical naturalism. But if an analogy by parity of reasoning might be attempted, let's look at the result. Take the following statement from the dialog: "I have only those beliefs, reasons, and thoughts that nature has given me. I can not get behind nature, look at it, compare it to my beliefs, evaluate my reasons, and find out if they are valid." 

Now change "nature" to "God" and ask yourself if Manion might have made the same argument to a theological determinist. If not, well and good. If so, the desire to get "behind" God - as if! - is the same idolatry I mention above. And if what Manion says in here might have been analogized by him (or might be by other EOs) to the context of theological determinism, Manion's (or their) epistemology is flawed. To say that neither of two contradicting determinists could "know which it is, for we can only hold the opinion we are given" presupposes that indeterministic freedom is a necessary criterion for knowledge. But what possible relevance could being able to indeterministically choose to have bad beliefs or reasons have to being able to know that one's current beliefs or reasons are true? 

In fact, we can't always "compare" beliefs and "evaluate" reasons. Everyone has to make an assumption for reasoning to even get off the ground. I've argued for foundationalism elsewhere numerous times. One can have immediate, non-inferential justification for at least one belief. So if I don't need indeterministic freedom there - if I don't need to "get behind" anything to compare the foundational belief to x, y, or z in order to know it - then why would I need it anywhere else?

I can imagine one final analogization from Manion's foregoing dialog: "“Is your reason, your mind, your thoughts, your ideas, your beliefs, your brain a part of nature? ...We do nothing. We are the repository of certain thoughts. I do not create my beliefs. I am simply a repository of belief. All of it, my beliefs, my thoughts, my reasons, even the language by which I try to explain them, are simply acts of nature." Again, for the sake of argument, exchange "God" for "nature." 

Obviously, a Reformed Christian will hold to a Creator-creature distinction and deny that we are a part of God. As I said above, we have our own thoughts, feelings, desires, and volitions. That these are caused does not make them any less ours. When God created the earth, His causing its existence does not imply that the earth was a part of God.  

Nor are we passive creations, mere vessels or repositories. We move. It's just that our movement is not by way of self-origination. Sometimes, only God moves, such as when He first gives us the regenerative grace necessary and sufficient for us to only then have the possibility - indeed, it determines us - to move back toward God. To use an illustration opposite to one I mentioned earlier, in regeneration, God, as He brings Himself near to us, changes our magnetic pole to such that we become drawn and move to Him. God is the originator of His and our movement, yet it is still we who move. And in our movement back to God, we are shown why indeterministic freedom is not needed to explain how co-operation or synergy with God is possible. 

Towards the end of the dialog, as the "protagonist" becomes more open to the idea of supernaturalism, he offers the following reflections against the skepticism of his metaphysical naturalist colleague:

What if there did exist an eternal being who’s very character was what we call moral and rational? What if he conceived and planed a created order? What if he then executed that plan and extended his rational and moral attributes to it? What if he then created other minds who, like his, were not mechanistically locked into the created order, but able to transcend and observe it? And what if he gave these minds the rational operational apparatus to evaluate their observations, to weigh them, compare them, and rationally extrapolate? Wouldn’t they then be able to learn and know?” “Wouldn’t knowledge then be possible? Wouldn’t the fact that nature was created as a rational system explain why it corresponds to rationality and why science is possible? Wouldn’t this solve the problems associated with determinism? Wouldn’t this allow us to say something is true for reasons rather than causes? Wouldn’t we be free to choose to believe the truth, rather than determined to believe what ever we are determined to believe? Wouldn’t this freedom make us morally accountable? That is, since we are ourselves the final determiners of our behavior, wouldn’t the final responsibility for our decisions lie with us? 
Now, these reflections leave off the table the possibility that supernaturalism and some form of determinism are compatible. This is short-sighted unless Manion really does think - contrary to the way in which I have tried to charitably interpret his arguments thus far - that all forms of determinism are problematic.

Before I address what seem to be Manion's counters to all varieties of determinism, notice that he alludes to an "eternal being" with a "character" and "attributes." This cannot be the god of Eastern Orthodoxy, though: the god of Eastern Orthodoxy is supposed to utterly transcend metaphysics and epistemology (cf. herehere, Robinson's comment 181 here). Revealed religion indeed!

Manion's two arguments against all varieties determinism seem to be as follows: 1) we ought to say that "something is true for reasons rather than causes," and determinism doesn't allow for that; 2) "freedom make[s] us morally accountable," and determinism doesn't allow for that. 

To the first argument: why can't a determinist say something is true for reasons? Reasons can be caused and causes. Manion seems to have conflated epistemology with metaphysics and presented us with a false dilemma. I also already discussed earlier why our reasons being caused by God is unproblematic.

The answer to the second argument is particularly simple, one which I was able to answer in my early 20s (link). 

Manion's criticisms of determinism are as weak as any other I've read. His criticisms of metaphysical naturalism and the like are well-founded only to the extent they agree with the 20th century Reformed theologians and determinists whose thoughts on worldview formation and critique he consciously borrowed.

Before concluding this post, there are two other points I wish to make since they often make the rounds in EO apologetics (of which I'm aware). The first is Christological: if that which the Trinity has decided is not necessitated (although grounded in the divine nature such that certain, imaginings - like that God could have made a world in which He lies - are impossible), then must the Son also be indeterministically free in his humanity? This does not follow, no. 

It's not much different than asking, "could or would Christ have ever sinned in His humanity?" The answer is no. Is it not obvious why this is the case? Christ is the singular subject of His divine and human wills. For the same reason, the Son sent could and would never have abandoned his mission to save humanity - not even in the garden of Gethsemene can we say this was a possibility. Christ is and was not schizophrenic, and Nestorianism is false.

This is admitted by Robinson (link): "The cardinal text is Christ is Gesthemane. “Not my will but thy will be done.” Could Christ have botched it and disobeyed the Father? Obviously not. But how then being God and it being impossible for him to sin can he have free will?" 

Note that Robinson has just admitted what I said earlier: determinism is compatible with genuine, human willing. Christ genuinely chose to obey His Father, even if He could not do otherwise. Robinson goes on to say that He thinks Christ can be indeterministically free because there are a plurality of goods - while Christ is not free, He can still, then, indeterministically choose from among these goods. 

The problem with this is that the death of Christ was necessary for salvation from sin. Since it was the good pleasure of God for man to be saved from sin, Christ's human will must have necessarily acted in co-operation with His divine will to accomplish the single end (man's salvation) by the single means to that end (His own death). Synergy between God and men, then, does not presuppose indeterministic freedom. This disarms a few EO objections against determinism.

Robinson continues to say that "“Not my will but Your will” expresses that Christ initially wills two good things." These are said to be self preservation and the salvation of humanity. But he fails to be clear: was Christ's preservation of Himself a "genuine alternative possibilit[y]" (as Robinson puts it)? Would not Christ's choosing to preserve Himself from death meant He "botched it"? This is supposed to be a "good" Christ could have chosen? The very idea is self-refuting (note Robinson does not really answer JohnD in the comments on just this point here). This closes comments on the first point I wished to make.

The last point I wish to make concerns an argument regarding the alleged "dialectic" of Augustine, the person many EOs take as the forerunner of determinism. The argument comes from Joseph Farrell's Chapter 9 (and the rest of the book) here as well as his God, History, and Dialectic

One might introduce the argument with a question: in the eschaton, are there multiple goods from which we can choose? If not, then how can we have indeterministic, free will? Indeterministic, free will would seem to instead be a dialectic of oppositions: a choice between good and evil. EOs use the doctrine of divine energies to get around this: we can participate in one of any number of "good" divine energies, so indeterministic, free choice in the eschaton is possible after all. But those who hold to a certain, strong view of divine simplicity (e.g. Augustine, Aquinas), have hamstrung themselves - since they don't have access to a doctrine of divine energies, their predestinarian theologies are driven by a dialectic of opposition. Origen and Plotinus are other key figures.

Farrell is a creative thinker. One unfamiliar with his reasoning will need to read him to process his arguments. Nevertheless, he is not above criticism, as I've shown here, and his criticisms mentioned above has the following shortcoming: they will only go so far as one is fully Augustinian (or an Origenist or a Plotinist or so forth). One can accept determinism without also accepting certain lines in the thought of Augustine et al. that give rise to the dialectic Farrell mentions. Further, it is an EO assumption that Reformed Christians implicitly (if not explicitly) depend on Augustine rather than divine revelation for their views on determinism. The framing is biased from the outset and can only be convincing to those who are already EO, not those who aren't.

Now, I don't accept something like Thomistic divine simplicity but rather that the divine attributes are formally distinct (see here and Richard Muller's Post Reformation Reformed Dogmatics, Vol. 3, pgs. 284ff. for more). I lean away from acceptance of the filioque. And I don't have an issue with distinguishing between God's necessary character or attributes (for which EOs cannot account) and His indeterministically free operations or actions or energies, the latter with which we can co-operate or act in synergy. I believe there are multiple goods from which we can choose even in this life (e.g. what to eat in the morning). These truths are indeed contingent, not necessitated. Yet this does not entail indeterministic, free will, and EOs will have to do better in their future apologetics.

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Various Debates on Eastern Orthodoxy 13 Dec 2024 11:10 AM (5 months ago)

In the past months, I've had several debates with those who are Eastern Orthodox on various topics. I will indent the comments of the various EO responders and not indent my own comments. One debate was on penal substitution (link):

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This is basically a repost of a video you made which is now private. I asked on that video (and did not receive a response): 

If the Eastern Orthodox apologist really thinks Jesus tasted the penalty of sin for all men [without exception], how is it just for the damned to nevertheless experience the same penalty? 

Likewise, you said in the now private video that in the garden of Eden, Adam and Eve experienced alienation "from each other." But surely - and conspicuously left unmentioned by the Eastern Orthodox apologist - the principal alienation they experience is alienation from God! Surely this is the death of which God spoke even prior to Eve's creation in Genesis 2:17. If Jesus participates in "the deepest experience of our alienation," does that mean the Eastern Orthodox apologist thinks Jesus likewise experience this alienation - alienation from His own Father? I am unaware of any Eastern Orthodox apologists who admit this. The usual claim is that penal substitution is Nestorian. To the extent that Eastern Orthodox apologists shortchange the penalty Christ undertook on our behalf, they don't really accept penal substitution after all. Nuances like this might easily go unnoticed by converts.
EO #1 The damned experience the penalty because they never appropriated to themselves the benefits of Christ's redemption through living faith. 

Christ bore the punishment in His humanity and experienced what a human experiences who is abandoned by God. He remained fully God Himself though, and fully united to the Father and Spirit. But in His humanity He did not feel the consolation and blessing which the blessed feel from the Godhead, but rather the wrath deserved by sinners. "He said 'My God, My God, why hast Thou forsaken Me?' to show the magnitude of His penalty, for He was suffering so grievously, as if He were not the Son of God, but God's enemy." –St. Bede the Venerable, Meditation on the Passion of Christ for Seven Hours of the Day
Redemption entails forgiveness. If the benefits were never appropriated, Christ never substituted Himself for them. This is limited atonement. 

What you are describing is characteristic of Reformed theology and opposed to much of what I've heard from EO apologists such as Jay Dyer. It's nice to see!
EO #1 The atonement is objectively unlimited. Christ paid the debt for all. 

But not all people appropriate the benefits of Christ's redemption.
The atonement and redemption ARE appropriated benefits of Christ's work. God is not at-one with faithless individuals, for their sins have not been substitutionally "covered" ("kaphar" = atonement) by Christ's blood.
EO #1 Fine but Christ's atonement objectively provided atonement for all of them, paid the debt for all of them. Until this is appropriated though, yes, people are still in their sins

If everyone's debt has been paid, you are a universalist.

EO #1 Christ paid the debt for all, but all are not saved, because not everyone appropriates the benefits of Christ's all-sufficient Redemption to themselves, and thus their sinfulness is not done away with on their subjective end, though on the objective side of Christ's work itself, He died for them too

Payment of debt entails forgiveness of sin (Colossians 2, Matthew 6, 18). Again, universalism.
EO #1 Sins are forgiven when people appropriate to themselves the saving benefits of Christ's work, which is sufficient for all but only efficient in those who are saved. So sure, Christ has not wiped out every individual's sins, but He has made a payment to divine justice sufficient for all, for He bought even those heretics who would deny the Lord who bought them

To say Christ's death is sufficient for all is NOT the same thing as saying He paid the penalty for all. You keep relocating soteric categories from application to accomplishment. Payment is in the former. Atonement is in the former. Etc. To say Christ's death actually paid for MY sins, YOUR sins, and EVERYONE'S sins is to say we owe God no more debt, that Christ was the substitute for even unbelievers - universalism. 

Also, 2 Peter 2:1 is not a reference to God as Redeemer but rather as Creator. As Dr. Gary Long notes, "agorazõ is never used in a salvation context (unless II Peter 2:1 is the exception) without the technical term “price” (times — a technical term for the blood of Christ) or its equivalent being stated or made explicit in the context (see I Cor. 6:20; 7:23; Rev. 5:9; 14:3-4)."
EO #1 He paid a price sufficient, and so we each can know that we CAN be saved if we appropriate those benefits
Christ's death is such that it COULD pay the price for all, not that He does. The point is: FOR WHOM is Christ penal substitute?
EO #1 The Holy Spirit in the Scriptures was fine with saying Jesus gave Himself a ransom for all, and bought those who would deny Him. Therefore I am content to say so, while denying that everyone appropriates this benefit

All of whom? All without exception (every individual)? Or all without distinction (categories of men)? If a train conductor says, "All aboard!" do you think he means every individual ever or all those who have a ticket? When Luke says Caesar Augustus made a decree to all the world, you think he was talking about North American Indians? Try applying a little context and coherence to 1 Timothy 2. You're advocating universalism. Is Christ the penal substitute for Judas?
EO #1 For all in the same sense I've been explaining: that it is sufficient for all.
No, Paul says Christ gave Himself as a ransom for all. That does not mean He merely made salvation POSSIBLE but ACTUAL: 

Job 33:24 and he is merciful to him, and says, ‘Deliver him from going down into the pit; I have found a ransom 

Psalm 49:15 God will ransom my soul from the power of Sheol 

Isaiah 35:10 And the ransomed of the Lord shall return and come to Zion with singing; everlasting joy shall be upon their heads; they shall obtain gladness and joy, and sorrow and sighing shall flee away 

Revelation 5:9 And they sang a new song, saying, “Worthy are you to take the scroll and to open its seals, for you were slain, and by your blood you ransomed people for God from every tribe and language and people and nation, 10 and you have made them a kingdom and priests to our God, and they shall reign on the earth 

Does God do this for everyone without exception? Universalism.
EO #2 "Christ's work" 

The uncreated Son does not have to "work" 

nestorian phraseology for nestorian reformed PSA
Reread the gospel of John and tell me again Christ did no VOLUNTARY work on behalf of His people. 

Your Nestorian strawman is goofy, by the way.

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That ends the first debate. The first commenter was no better than an Arminian in failing to discern between redemption accomplished and redemption applied. The atonement falls into the latter category.

The original video I responded to is one I reference here. The maker of that video, Seraphim Hamilton, was not one of the responders. He's also one of the new-trend EO apologists who are trying to co-opt Reformed thinking. Some EO are doing this with apologetics (link), Seraphim Hamilton is mostly doing it with typology in the mold of James B. Jordan and Peter Leithart. Yet you'll find that these EO apologists have obvious double-standards. 

"Penal substitution is Nestorian if Reformed Christians believe it, but not if we do" (oh, and we'll fail to substantiate our charge, ignore questions about whether Jesus suffered only bodily or in His full humanity, and if all else fails, well, we'll allow nuance or room for intramural discussion for us but not you). 

"Jordan's typology is great and extends to various EO dogma" (but we'll just ignore Jordan's comments on iconography). 

"The transcendental argument refined by Reformed apologists can really only be applied to EO" (but we'll just ignore original sin and fail to articulate or perhaps even understand how how this apologetic is integrally connected to a revelational epistemology).

The next debate is on what EO considers infallible: link

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Is there any infallible list of infallible EO dogma?
EO Truglia: Is there any infallible list of RC dogma? 

Everything received with consensus is the infallible in EOy.
That doesn't really answer my question: is there an infallible list of "everything received with consensus"?

I'm a Protestant, by the way. 

Let's take an example of why I find issue with your reply: Mogila's confession was received "with consensus," was it not? But he taught inherited guilt, something by and large rejected by the current EO "consensus." So which is infallible?
EO Truglia: similar to the Protestant Canon, there is firmness on canonical questions because of consensus. We discern this consensus as a matter of historical fact. 

As a matter of your other questions about the contents of these documents, that's all that can of worms which is worth discussing, but I really don't want to pack it here and so few words in a comment.
I'll leave other considerations aside, but Protestantism actually lists what it considers infallible. Does Eastern Orthodoxy do this? Where?
EO Truglia: yeah, the bible. We do too, the Scriptures and Sacred Tradition. What constitutes both for the both of us is a historical question for both of us. No need to be polemical.
I'm sorry, but this comes across as avoidant - perhaps unintentionally. 

Like I said, I'm willing to leave other considerations aside - including the attempts to analogize our positions, with which I wouldn't agree - but for Eastern Orthodoxy, what actual, concrete, specifics does "Sacred Tradition" entail? I've never seen anyone comprehensively list this out. 

This could be due to my own ignorance, but I hear some EO apologists say that only the 7 ecumenical councils are infallible. Others say 9. Others include pan-orthodox councils. Others include doctrines not taught in these councils but are alleged to be "received" universally, by consensus, etc. How am I supposed to examine Eastern Orthodoxy if I can't know what it regards as infallible?
EO Truglia: im on my phone, but the universal traditions are all consensus base. The liturgy, hymnography, and 7 councila have universal agreement. Just like every prot church has the same Bible, every single Ortho church is the same on these other than hymns to local saints. We have second tier authorities which though having pan episcopal acceptance (like the pan orthodox councils) lack mass commemoration (in effect, their reception among the laity is incomplete.) so, similar to prots being divided upon whether the longing ending of mark is infallible, leading to uncertainty, these second tier authorities have less certainty. Just as not morally safe to reject the longer ending of mark, it isn't safe i feel to reject these secondary authorities--especiakly if received on an official, episcopal level. 

This stuff is not nebulous as you imply. When the Anglicans wanted union in 1720, they were essentially told to accept these things.
For something like the council of Jerusalem, why would what the laity receives be the standard for certainty if, as you suggest, the authorities of the laity all received it? 

Separately, I've already been looking for a good, primary source (free or not, whichever is more comprehensive) record of EO liturgy if you know of one.

Even better: is the version of reception theory you espouse itself consensually received by bishops, laity, etc.? 

I'd never even heard of such a thing before the past 5 years or so, but again, I could be ignorant.
EO Truglia: you're being polemical again. The answer is yes. I did not invent it.
I'm asking sincere questions in good faith and admitting the potential for ignorance. That said, I do not deny my questions convey light jabs intended to discover whether EO has any counters to them. As you seem to be intent on parrying my questions, I suppose I'll have to look for a polite spar elsewhere.
EO Truglia: Too old and tired for needless "light jabs" honestly
I honestly don't know how else I could have posed the questions for which I am interested in answers. I thought I was using kid gloves, but you've no obligation to answer me.
EO #2: You could look up some scholarly material on the history of the Liturgical corpus but since the orthodox catalog of daily cycles feats synaxarium, and services is a whole libraries worth if material you will not find anything even close to such a thing in English or any available language in publication

That's a shame. How else am I supposed to know that to which EO would commit me?

EO #2: Read whats available its all lives of the saints, kontakions or get a complete set of the horologion and daily offices listed in the anthologian as well as whats listed in the matins and vespers. If you want a list like denzinger it doesn't exist but you could get the rudder which is more of a commentary of the canons throughout the ages but some councils are missing, the synodikon also has an extensive list of beliefs as well as the corpus of Gregory palamas, so stop complaining and do some leg work I did and so can you

EO #3: by going to a church and talking to the priest.
[Response to EO #2] Since when is asking questions complaining?

[Response to EO #3] I can only learn of infallible list of EO dogma from fallible sources?
EO #2: Your last question was in regards to "how am supposed to learn" its complaint I had to do alot of leg work that you won't get in any parish catechism, but we don't have that many dogmas that you have to use every loving manuscript to figure out so I don't really get why you want every single liturgical hymn do have any idea how many there are? If thats too much work then I don't know what else to tell you.
Ok, what is the content of the dogma? The acts of ecumenical councils? Just its decrees? More?
EO #2 decress such as the confessions of faith and the theological anathemas such as the condemnation of nestorius and pelagius
the content is the confessions and the updated synodikon that affirms all theological topics of dogmatic importance.
Thank you - where may I find this updated synodikon?

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And that is the end of this debate. A few observations:

Truglia seemed put off when I questioned whether his reception theory was 1) self-consistent 2) as well as consistent in practice (on the question of inherited guilt; cf. link).

Notice none of them could provide me with somewhere to go to for the content of their allegedly infallible liturgy. Apparently, just like a RC has to pre-commit to hoping he doesn't receive any lumps from the pope, to accept EO, you have to buy before sight. In both cases, I guess one is left to hope he doesn't find himself with buyer's remorse (link). 

The reply of third EO commenter brings up an interesting point: can EO (including its liturgical decisions) only know of the infallible contents of EO from fallible bishops? This EO either also applies buy before sight or almost makes it sound like another borrowing Reformed apologetics, this time in the way of R. C. Sproul's view of the canon as a fallible list of infallible books. In fact, either despite or as a supplement to his reception theory, Truglia himself says this exact thing on his blog (link)! Truglia says:

My final reflection now drags Anglican apologist "The Other Paul" to the mix. He claimed in a debate with myself that because there is no infallible list of sacred tradition, it is too vacuous a concept to hold to. This led not only to the absurdity that we (he alleges) do not infallibly know the Gospel of John to be Scripture (by my above criteria, we obviously can and everyone knows the Orthodox are correct about this), but it puts him into contradiction with Ortlund and Sproul who give the only remotely satisfying answer to the Scriptural canon question, even if their apologetic is incomplete.

If Protestants insist their canon is fallible, but this has no effect on moral certainty on the question (I grant the latter, but not the former due to the quibbles above), then they are stuck granting the same to sacred tradition or at least in matters of degree (we have more consensus on biblical canon than on X tradition, and so we are by that degree more certain).

I respect Truglia more than other EO apologists I encounter. He tends to apply standards more evenly (unlike EOs I mentioned above). But to that extent, it makes his position more easy to critique.

That is, "The Other Paul" got him on this one. I would add to the vacuity of "Sacred Tradition" my earlier argument that EO apologists have to sell their goods before allowing the buyer to see it. His assertion that Sproul's view of the canon is "the only remotely satisfying answer" begs the question, and his "I'll look the other way if you will" tactic only works if he gets away without being called out for it. My position is that we have an infallible list of infallible books, for the Protestant canon just is the self-authenticating, extant extent of divine revelation. I expect that this is not the answer Truglia wants to hear.

The last debate also involves Truglia and others, this time on original sin.

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Mogila says original sin renders one liable to the eternal punishment of the divine wrath. That sounds like original guilt to me (contra Pomazansky, for example).
EO Truglia: If taken in isolation it can be taken in that way, but if we understand "guilt" to be the right judgment for a defective tropos/will, then it harmonizes.
Does "defective" mean "sinful"? 

If not, your response does not explain on what account we are held liable to the eternal punishment of divine wrath. 

If so, then since the mode of will for the people in question is due to Adam's sin, that just is original guilt. 

As you would say, "it's a good question" :) 

Fortunately, Mogila even tells us the answer to this question: 

"...whosoever is not a partaker [of baptism,] such a one remains unabsolved from his sin, and continueth in his guilt, and is liable to the eternal punishment of the divine wrath: As it is said (John 3.5), Verily, verily, I say unto you, that except a man be born of water, and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven." 

The persons of whom he speaks are ones unabsolved from his sin. Unabsolved = guilty. His sin = reason. His sin = "hereditary sin." That's original guilt.
EO #2 Yes we are guilty because we are liable this is why palamas stretches the fact that man was corrupted by Adam's fault but this does not negate man from grace in all sense but as Popovich states that we have an indelible mark on the soul that enables us to do natural good
Shouldn't it be that we are liable to punishment because we are guilty? Divine punishment is grounded in man's guilt. Otherwise, that's voluntarism (highly ironic, since that's what EO's commonly charge Reformed believers of). 

Who's Popovich?
EO #2: well yes thats why St Gregory palamas and Philaret of moscow say it's necessary for Christ to become man and aleviate the sickness in our nature by giving man eternal life.

St Justin popovich is an Orthodox theologian and philosopher who also cites the catechism of peter mogila but of you want modern Orthodox statements free from free from Romanides and Yannaras liberalism heres from the 80s "catechism" 

Orthodox Catechism by Metropolitan Sotirios Athanassoulas (Ecumenical Patriarchate): “That is original sin. And its consequences? A.) Spiritual death. That is, the separation of man from God, the source of all goodness. B.) Bodily death. That is, the separation of the body from the soul, the return of the body to the earth. C.) The shattering and distortion of the “image.” That is, darkness of mind, depravity and corruption of the heart, loss of independence, loss of free will, and tendency towards evil. Since then “the imagination of man’s heart is evil “(Genesis 8:21). Man constantly thinks of evil. D.) Guilt. That is, a bad conscience, the shame that made him want to hide from God. E.) Worst of all, original sin is hereditary. It did not remain only Adam and Eve’s. As life passes from them to all of their descendants, so does original sin. We all of us participate in original sin because we are all descended from the same forefather, Adam.
So you disagree with EOs who reject original guilt? 

Does that mean you admit Mary was conceived guilty in the same way Mogila describes? (i.e. that she was rendered liable to the eternal punishment of the divine wrath) 

Finally, if one is guilty, presumably it is of original sin. What is the connection between Adam and ourselves if we are guilty of the sin he personally committed? Reformed theology would follow Augustine (Against Julian) in saying that we are not only guilty but culpable for Adam's sin, having participated in it (reatus culpa in addition to reatus poenae). That is, you can't have guilt without culpability (else, voluntarism again). What is your thought on that?
EO #2: Not culpable but liable we never lost the Image of God but as the confession of dositheos explains we are damaged, and yes I disagree with modern orthodox because are mostly ignorant on their own literature I'm not

Also I have to disagree with your assessment I've studied many documents in Orthodoxy on original sin and mogila and pomazansky dont conflict pomazansky cites the encyclical of the eastern patriarchs and the Russian confession which doesn't deny the use of guilt but lists how some sects over emphasis phrases to lead to different anthropologies "In order to restore the order which had been violated, it was necessary first of all to give satisfaction for the offense given to God, and by this means to remove the guilt of mankind and the punishment that weighs upon him." orthodox dogmatic theology 
Also

"Before Christ we all shared the same ancestral curse and condemnation poured out on all of us from our single forefather, as if it had sprung from the root of the human race and was the common lot of our nature. Each person’s individual action attracted either reproof or praise from God, but no one could do anything about the shared curse and condemnation, or the evil inheritance that had been passed down to him and through him would pass to his descendants." St Gregory palamas
EO #3: There is a difference between being guilty of Adam's transgression (direct imputation of what he personally commited), and being guilty of our own sinful condition/nature that we inherited from Adam.
EO #2: I guess you concede liability then thanks I accept your concession.
[Response to EO #2] If you don't click to reply button, I don't get notified and assume the conversation is over. So you can make up whatever nonsense in your mind you want, but it's not like I sit around clicking refresh on this video hoping you have responded. 

As for your comment, for you to say we are liable without culpability is voluntarism. It makes us subject to punishment for no other reason than mere, divine will. We have done nothing to deserve punishment if we are not also culpable, as Augustine recognized. In other words, you've compromised God's justice.

[Response to EO #3] Was this meant for me? If so, what does Romans 5 say about the contrast between the first and second Adam's acts?
EO #2: by sending his only Son into this world, who might take flesh of a most unspotted virgin, by the operation of the Holy Spirit and redeem lost man; and receive him into his kingdom, from question 25 of Mogila establishes that he views the virgin as spotless now whether she was made spotless at her entrance to the temple as some fathers say or as Some scholars theorized that she was born spotless as some who beleive Mogila himself held the view you're making a statement about the mother of God mogila himself doesn't hold and in Orthodoxy we do hold that the liability keeps one out of the flock of Heaven which is why baptism is necessary. There's a spectrum of sin as people who are born into it are under but not all people experience eternal punishment the same you're just making a mistake of incorporating a sweeping view based on your prior precepts
You do realize it's possible to culpable while not being fully liable "The servant who knows the master’s will and does not get ready or does not do what the master wants will be beaten with many blows. But the one who does not know and does things deserving punishment will be beaten with few blows" Luke 12 also St Gregory nanzianzus says infants who die unbaptized don't face the same degree of punishment as Adam would have
Reread your own citation of Luke 12: "But the one who does not know and does things DESERVING PUNISHMENT will be beaten with few blows" 

Ironically, your own citation refutes you. The point is, if you reject infant culpability, you have no basis upon which to assert they deserve ANY punishment, no matter how many or few blows. And let's not pretend that Mogila doesn't say that it is the eternal punishment of the divine wrath that infants deserve. Next time, please address the point. 

You've compromised God's justice in suggesting God punishes those who bear no culpability for sin.
EO #2: Still awaiting an answer since ive already provided the Orthodox dogmatics and the subsequent councils your charge that we have no dogmas failed and now you're just arguing with nothing concerning original since im not a romanidean .
EO #4: “However, it is called sin, not in such a way that it makes us guilty, but because it is the result of the guilt of the first man and because by rebelling it strives to draw us to guilt, unless we are aided by the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord, lest even the dead sin so rebel that by conquering it revives and reigns.” 

This is what St. Augustine says in Against Julian. He's saying we aren't guilty of Adam's personal sin, but we are in a guilty state before God prior to baptism due to our sinful nature inherited from Adam. This is cleansed at baptism, for we are baptized for the remission of sins. This is why the exercism prayers are read even for infant baptisms. 

Here is Canon 121 of Carthage 418 (which is dogmatically binding per Trullo): 

"It has pleased the Council to decree that whosoever denies the little ones newly born from the wombs of their mothers when they are being baptized, or asserts that they are baptized for the remission of sins, but that they have inherited no original sin from Adam obliging them to be purified in the bath of renaissance (whence it follows that in these persons the form of baptism for the remission of sins is not true, but is to be regarded as factitious), let him be anathema; for no other meaning ought to be attached to what the Apostle has said, viz., "Sin entered the world through one human being" (Rom. 5:12), and thus it passed over into all human beings; wherefore all of them have sinned, than that which the catholic Church diffused and spread abroad every-where has ever understood those words to mean. For it is on account of this Canon of the faith that even the little ones too, who are as yet incapable of committing if any sin of their own to render them guilty of any offense, are truly baptized for the remission of sins, in order that what sin they inherited from the primordial birth may be purified in them through the process of renaissance."
[Response to EO #2] My charge is you've compromised God's justice in suggesting God punishes those who bear no culpability for sin.

[Response to EO #4] You cited canon 110, not 121. I'm well aware of it, as was Augustine (present at that council). So since you mention Augustine, let's see what else he says in Against Julian: 

//I ask you by what justice must an image of God that has in no way transgressed the law of the God be estranged from the kingdom of God, from the life of God? Do you not hear how the Apostle detests certain men, who, he says, are 'estranged from the life of God through the ignorance that is in them, because of the blindness of their heart'? Is a non-baptized infant bound by this sentence or not? If you say he is not bound, they you will be vanquished and punished by the evangelical truth and by the testimony of Pelagius himself, for where is the life of God except in the kingdom of God, into which none but those born again of water and the Spirit can enter? But, if you assert that he is bound, you acknowledge the punishment. Then you must acknowledge the guilt (culpam). You confess the torment—confess, then, that it is deserved.// 

But Eastern Orthodoxy denies that infants are culpable (see [EO #2] right above you). Most EO don't even affirm inherited guilt.
EO #2: Do you have a place where I ever say that as the case? I do have Peter Mogila saying that the virgin mary was pure and even some evidence suggesting he may have held to the immaculate conception so your attempt to target the doctrine of the purity of mary off your speculative case isn't gonna work here
"And this is done in the mystery of holy Baptism; and whosoever is not a partaker thereof, such a one remains unabsolved from his sin, and continueth in his guilt, and is liable to the eternal punishment of the divine wrath" 

Mary isn't even mentioned, but that's irrelevant anyways. Mogila says all infants are under original sin and therefore guilty and liable to the eternal punishment of the divine wrath. For you to say infants aren't culpable makes them be subject to undeserved punishment. That is what destroys the justice of God in your system. You can avoid the point or address it.
EO #4: I cited Canon 121 according to the Masterjohn translation of The Pedalion (Rudder). Canon 110 refers to people returning from Donatism and bishops. 

I agree with [EO #2] and The Church's teaching that infants aren't culpable because they haven't committed personal sin. However, they are liable for Adam's sin because they were found in Adam at the Fall, as all humanity was. We have our nature from Adam, and that nature was corrupted by his sin. Therefore, we fall under the same curse. You can find this language in St. Cyprian of Carthage, St. Ambrose, St. Cyril of Alexandria, St. Athanasius of Alexandria, St. Ephraim the Syrian, St. Hilary of Poitiers, and St. Symeon the New Theologian, and several other Church Fathers. 

Again, it depends on what you mean by guilt. St. Augustine used three words for that English word: culpa, reatus, and reus. 

As a side note, I don't really care what the average (or most, as you said...which is a claim that will be hard for you to prove) EO person today affirms. I care about what the dogmatically binding councils and Holy Scriptures say. Individual saints are not infallible. The consensus of the Fathers, which is borne out in the dogmatically binding councils, is. Carthage 418-419 is one of those councils.

From the Church Fathers I mentioned: 

But again, if even to the greatest sinners, and to those who had sinned much against God, when they subsequently believed, remission of sins is granted — and nobody is hindered from baptism and from grace— how much rather ought we to shrink from hindering an infant, who, being lately born, has not sinned, except in that, being born after the flesh according to Adam, he has contracted the contagion of the ancient death at its earliest birth, who approaches the more easily on this very account to the reception of the forgiveness of sins— that to him are remitted, not his own sins, but the sins of another.” – St Cyprian of Cathage, Epistle 58 

“In Adam I fell, in Adam I was cast out of paradise, in Adam I died. How shall God call me back, except He find me in Adam? For just as in Adam I am guilty of sin and owe a debt to death, so in Christ I am justified.” – St Ambrose of Milan, On the Death of His Brother Satyrus 

“Thus has the guilt of the disobedience that is by Adam been remitted; thus has the power of the curse ceased, and the dominion of death been brought to decay. And this too Paul teaches, saying, ‘For as by the disobedience of the one man, the many became sinners, so by the obedience of the One, the many became righteous.’ For the whole nature of man became guilty in the person of him who was first formed; but now it is wholly justified again in Christ. For He became for us the second commencement of our race after that primary one; and therefore all things in Him have become new.” 

“How did many become sinners because of Adam?… How could we, who were not yet born, all be condemned with him, even though God said, ‘Neither the fathers shall be put to death because of their children, nor the children because of their fathers, but the soul which sins shall be put to death’? (cf. Deut. 24:18) … we became sinners through Adam’s disobedience in such manner as this: he was created for incorruptibility and life, and the manner of existence he had in the garden of delight was proper to holiness. His whole mind was continually beholding God; his body was tranquil and calm with all base pleasures being still. For there was no tumult of alien disturbances in it. But because he fell under sin and slipped into corruptibility, pleasures and filthiness assaulted the nature of the flesh, and in our members was unveiled a savage law. Our nature, then, became diseased by sin through the disobedience of one, that is, of Adam. Thus, all were made sinners, not by being co-transgressors with Adam,… but by being of his nature and falling under the law of sin… Human nature fell ill in Adam and subject to corruptibility through disobedience, and, therefore, the passions entered in.” - St. Cyril of Alexandria, Commentary on St. Luke's Gospel; Commentary on Romans 

“When Adam had transgressed, his sin reached unto all men.” - St Athanasius, Four Discourses Against the Arians and On the Incarnation of the Word 

“Just as Adam sowed sinful impurity into pure bodies and the yeast of evil was laid into the whole of our mass [nature], so our Lord sowed righteousness into the body of sin and His yeast was mixed into the whole of our mass [nature]” – St Ephraim the Syrian“ 

“Having been sent in a flesh in the likeness of that of sin, He did not have sin in the same way that He had flesh. But as all flesh comes from sin, that is, it derives from the sin of Adam the progenitor, He has been sent in a flesh similar to that of sin, because in Him sin does not subsist, but the image of sinful flesh.” – St Hilary of Poitiers, Commentary on Psalm 118 

“Human nature is sinful from its very conception. God did not create man sinful, but pure and holy. But since the first-created Adam lost this garment of sanctity, not from any other sin than pride alone, and became corruptible and mortal, all people also who came from the seed of Adam are participants of the ancestral sin from their very conception and birth. He who has been born in this way, even though he has not yet performed any sin, is already sinful through this ancestral sin.”

"Thus, in soul Adam died immediately, as soon as he had tasted [from the fruit of that tree from which God had commanded him not to taste, threatening him that if he should only taste of it he should die]; and later, after nine hundred and thirty years, he died also in body. For, as the death of the body is the separation of it of the soul, so the death of the soul is the separation from it of the Holy Spirit… Later, for this reason, the whole human race also became such as our forefather Adam became through the fall – mortal, that is, both in soul and body. Man such as God had created him no longer existed in the World.”– St Symeon the New Theologian, Homily 37:3; Homily 45:3
You may have meant to "cite canon 121 according to according to the Masterjohn translation of The Pedalion (Rudder), but, no, you did not cite that. Here's how that translation reads: 

"It has pleased the Synod to decree that whosoever denies the little ones newly born from the wombs of their mothers when they are being baptized, or asserts that they are baptized for the remission of sins, but that they have inherited no propatorical sin from Adam obliging them to be purified in the bath of renaissance (whence it follows that in these persons the form of baptism for the remission of sins is not true, but is to be regarded as factitious), let him be anathema; for no other meaning ought to be attached to what the Apostle has said, viz., “Sin entered the world through one human being” (Rom. 5:12), and thus it passed over into all human beings; wherefore all of them have sinned, than that which the catholic Church diffused and spread abroad every where has ever understood those words to mean." 

This is not what you cited in your last comment. Be more honest. 

Also be more honest in that you are quoting material from another website (The Orthodox West). You come off as if you haven't done any research yourself. 

Since you yourself say "Individual saints are not infallible," I'll mostly skip responding to your list. You've already skipped responding to my citation of Against Julian, so that's even. I too prefer to focus on what you consider to be dogma. In fact, that's why I cited Mogila at the beginning - his catechism has pan-orthodox acceptance. But let's hover on Symeon the New Theologian's following statement: 

//...all people also who came from the seed of Adam are participants of the ancestral sin from their very conception and birth...// 

This is excellent, but it also means infants are culpable. The only one's who teach reatus culpa are us - pesky, Reformed Christians. I'm pleasantly surprised that we have more in common with him than you and "The [EO] Church" does. 

And I'm well aware of the meanings of "guilt." Did you not see me specify one of them (culpam) in my citation of Augustine's Against Julian? I have been very specific in my critique of [EO #2] that he (and you, apparently) have compromised God's justice in suggesting God punishes those who bear no culpability for sin. Your following statement does not help: 

//However, they are liable for Adam's sin because they were found in Adam at the Fall, as all humanity was. We have our nature from Adam, and that nature was corrupted by his sin. Therefore, we fall under the same curse.// 

Can you even explain what this means - in your own words? For example, define "nature." 

If we were truly in Adam (traducianism, which I accept), not nominally, then we are, as Symeon says, participants in Adam's sin. You've begged the question by assuming "that infants aren't culpable because they haven't committed personal sin." "Personal sin" is not the only sin for which one may be culpable.
EO #2 I pointed out where mogila said mary is spotless you can ignore that if you want but it just shows your bias confirmation and i already posted that culpability is via liability not for the things sake. It's why if they die they don't suffer like Adam would have suffered
Whether Mary is spotless has nothing to do with my criticism of your position. So I will ignore it. 

In your fourth comment in this thread, you said: "Not culpable but liable." 

But Mogila says all infants (exclude Mary if it makes you feel better) are under original sin and therefore guilty and liable to the *eternal punishment of the divine wrath*. That's suffering, and it doesn't matter what the degree of it is. It's undeserved if one has no culpability. So you make infants subject to undeserved punishment and, thus, compromise God's justice in suggesting God punishes those who bear no culpability for sin.
EO #2: You're either being obtuse or arguing just to argue I already stated as did ancient insights that liability was due to Adam's culpability being upon all men which makes us have a loss due to adams transgression so we are depraved of the inherentance, which you confuse and conflate every man has done what adam has done. We are still guilty because we are stricken with adams penalty by being his sons
Ancient Insights? You mean Ben? You said that Ben said "that liability was due to Adam's culpability being upon all men." But that's false. In a video he made with Truglia 3 years ago, Ben says that "the only person culpable for Adam's sin is Adam himself." I think you have no idea what you are talking about. 

Can you even define liability and culpability? Please do so.
EO #4: I'm staring right now at the 2006 Masterjohn version on my computer. It says what I posted in my comment. Which version are you looking at? You also accused me of citing Canon 110 of Carthage, so now you're changing your accusation. 

I'm happy to admit that those quotes were found on The Orthodox West's blog. I don't see where I found them having an impact on the content of the saints' words. The reason I brought up the various saints is to show that there's a wide consensus of the Church Fathers teaching original sin and that we are found guilty before God because of it before we even commit personal sins. That's why infants are baptized for the remission of sins. 

I would affirm St. Peter Mogila's confession, as did the Synod of Iași in 1642. The patriarchates of Jerusalem, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria all signed on to it by 1643, making it dogmatically-binding. I'd especially affirm his response to Question 24, which is relevant here: 

"Whether all men are liable for the sin of Adam? 

As all mankind, during the state of innocence, was in Adam; so in him all men, falling from what he fell, remained in a state of sin. Wherefore mankind has become, not only subject to sin, but also, on account of sin, to punishment; which, according to the sentence pronounced by God, was (Gen. 2.17): “In the day that thou eatest of the tree, thou shalt surely die.” And to this the apostle alludes (Rom. 5.12): “Wherefore as by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned.” So that we are conceived in our mother’s womb, and born in this sin, according to the holy psalmist (Ps. li.7): “Behold, I was shapen in wickedness, and in sin hath my mother conceived me.” This is called ancestral sin, first, because before this, man was free from all sin; although the devil was then corrupt, and fallen, by whose temptation this ancestral sin sprang up in man; and Adam becoming guilty, we all likewise, who descend from him, become also guilty. Secondly, this is called original sin, because no mortal is conceived without this depravity of nature." 

You'll get no argument from me about this statement. You might get some modernist EOs denying that, but they would be going against the tradition of The Church. 

For the record, I'm using the translation from Maksimologija because I couldn't copy the one made by J.J. Overbeck. The essence of the text is the same. 

Let me define my position better because I think we are talking past each other but might actually agree. If by culpable you mean liable for punishment because all of humanity was present in Adam when he sinned, then I would affirm that infants are culpable. If by culpable you mean that Adam and I (or infants) both chose to commit the original sin with the same level of intention, then I would not affirm that they are culpable. I believe St. Symeon is speaking of the former when stating that we are participants in Adam's sin. Therefore, I would say infants are culpable in the former sense mentioned above. 

I'm currently undecided between traducianism or creationism with regard to the creation of the soul because, as far as I'm aware (open to correction here), The Church has not dogmatically made a pronouncement. There were saints that held each of these views. St. Symeon's statement above would imply he affirmed some sort of traducianism. That said, I would say traducianism offers a simple explanation as to why Christ did not have original sin in His humanity (virginal conception by His mother). What IS condemned by The Church, however, is the preexistence of souls.
The copyright I'm looking at is 2005. If you have a different version, I apologize for my assumption. It makes little difference. 

This is quite a turnaround from early today, when you said, "I agree with [EO #2] and The Church's teaching that infants aren't culpable because they haven't committed personal sin." 

You are now the closest I have come to discussing with an EO who understands the point I have been getting at. I know of no one else who would accept what I have said as you have: that we are culpable (deserving of blame) for the original sin because we are and always have been (since our conception) participants in it. It wasn't an atomistic Adam who sinned, but his agency by which he sinned is shared with his progeny traduced out of him. As a friend of mine says, there cannot be a continuity of the substance of the soul without a continuity of being and moral agency. 

Of course, Christ is not culpable is that He was never "in" the first Adam and, thus, never [culpably and participatively] sinned in Adam (unlike the rest of Adam's progeny). He was not paternally traduced. 

This is indeed the way to resolve how infants could be subject to eternal punishment without compromising divine justice. 

But accepting imputed guilt and reatus culpa sounds good in theory. In practice, I have never heard any EO accept this. I wonder if you take this to your deacon, priest, or bishop, what will you say if, as I suspect, he or they tell you that these are wrong?
EO #4: I thought [EO #2] and I were saying the same thing, but I realized we weren't, especially with regard to the Theotokos. The Fathers teach that she had original/ancestral sin but no personal sin (thus, why she is spotless) but was cleansed of original sin at a given point. 

This is from Bishop Theophilus of Campania in Greece (1749-­‐1795) in a chapter titled "On the Ancestral Sin of the Holy and Ever-­Virgin Mary": 

"Athanasius the Great in his Discourse Against Apollinaris 4, says: "He [the Son of God] united to Himself a soul-endowed body, which had the possibility to suffer willingly, and which did not pre-exist and was afterwards united with Him because of its virtue. This body did not simply come forth from the human side, i.e. from Mary, but after she had been sanctified, and then, God the Word became through her a partaker of humanity by uniting to Himself by way of condescension (economy) a soul-endowed body, so that He is one and the same person, God and man." Do you hear this? He said, "after she had been sanctified, and then, God the Word became through her a partaker of humanity", i.e. after she was cleansed from the ancestral sin. Because, what other sin had this blameless and pure Virgin committed? 

And again the same Father, in his work On the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, says the following: "And so man is divided into two parts and was condemned to end up in two places. This is why there was need of Him who pronounced this, so that He would Himself dissolve His decision by appearing with the uncondemned and sinless form of the condemned humanity, and thereby God’s reconciliation with man might be achieved and man’s freedom might be restored through a man in communion with the image of the Son, the Lord Jesus Christ." Consider this, then! He pronounced the curse of the ancestral sin for the entire humanity, and He, too, dissolved it, by appearing with the uncondemned and sinless form of the condemned humanity, so that man’s reconciliation with God might be achieved and the freedom of all human beings, all without exception, including His Mother, might be granted through Him by condescension (economy)." 

Some of the Fathers point to the Annunciation and indwelling of the Holy Spirit as the moment the Theotokos was cleansed of original sin, and this seems to be backed up by the liturgical texts on that feast day: 

"Ode VII in Matins: My soul hath been cleansed, my body sanctified; I am made a temple fit to hold God, a divinely adorned tabernacle, a temple rendered animate through the visitation of the most holy Spirit, and am the pure Mother of the Life!” 

With regard to culpability (worthy of blame), now you have my clarification of terms and my position. 

Unfortunately, many modern Orthodox people end up falling into a crypto or outright Pelagian position to avoid sounding "too Western" (whatever that means). This is really a 20th century innovation. The Eastern Patriarchs did not mention original sin or the atonement in their list of grievances against Papism in their 1848 encyclical to Pius IX. Following the scriptures, dogmatically-binding councils and confessions, and the consensus of the Church Fathers is a better way to go than renovationism.
Thank you, you are correct about Mary. And I am inclined to agree with you in really quite every respect. This has been most encouraging. 

But that 20th century trend you mention is what gives rise to my last question: hypothetically, let's say you take what you've said and present it to your deacon, priest, or bishop. If they tell you that these are wrong, would you believe yourself to be conscience bound to your interpretation of the matter or to what your deacon, priest, or bishop tells you to believe instead? 

This is no impractical question. I've watched dozens of videos of these EO authorities teach exactly against what you've said.
EO #4: I'd be conscience-bound to the teachings of The Church, which any clergyman who denies original sin would be against. As you know individual clergymen are not infallible and also must abide by the teachings of the Church (especially in dogmatic areas). What's a shame is that you have bishops in the early 20th century who held the Church's teaching like Abp Theophan of Poltava and New Martyr Victor of Vyatka who have been, in a way, swept under the rug (so to speak). That's why I appreciate resources like The Orthodox West's blog for showcasing what The Church actually teaches on the matter from the works of the Fathers themselves. 

Out of curiosity, can you name the clergymen you've seen who deny original sin publicly? I'm not denying that they exist, but I want people to know who they are.
Search youtube for "What is the Orthodox Perspective on Original Sin?" and listen especially to minute 9:42 and following: 

//...we have this development, this theological development which is based on this erroneous concept but we also have among the Reformers John Calvin who embraced a lot of the Augustinian concepts including predestination and he also embraced the understanding of Original Sin and the transmission of sin and guilt and the responsibility of Adam based on Augustine's understanding and that has been the case until this day for those who have followed the Calvinist understandings. Of course in the Orthodox Church this is not even a topic to be discussed because we do not see any such possibility of transmission of sin and guilt and responsibility in any possible way.// 

The video has over 100k views. Eastern Orthodox bishop Irenei of London & Western Europe was forced to backtrack what he said in a video ("Are We Born Guilty of Sin?) when he said: 

//We are born spotless. There is no human ever ever born sinful, as if he were already a sinner by virtue of his constitution. God does not create like this, and every human being is born pure as Adam was fashioned pure. Yet we are touched by sin from the very beginning. By the time we open our eyes to the world, the sinfulness of the world is already having an impact on us.// 

In a note on Pomazansky's Orthodox Dogmatic Theology, we read: 

//Some Orthodox Christians have mistakenly defended the Augustinian notion of "original guilt" — that is, that all men have inherited the guilt of Adam's sin — and others, going to the opposite extreme, have denied altogether the inheritance of sinfulness from Adam. Fr. Michael rightly points out, in his balanced presentation, that from Adam we have indeed inherited our tendency towards sin, together with the death and corruption that are now part of our sinful nature, but we have not inherited the guilt of Adam's personal sin.// 

See also Romanides, Andrew Louth (Original Sin and the Fall: Five Views), Josiah Trenham on Reason and Theology (minute 107:54ff.), etc. 

I respect your answers. You seem like someone who would not so easily put out straw men against Reformed theology that I hear so often in these contexts (e.g. it's Manichean). Would you agree that EO and Protestantism share more in common on the topic of private judgment than. We both agree that there are higher and lower authorities. We both agree that where in disagreement, we need to accept the higher authority. Do we not then agree that we must judge when such occurs? This is another straw man argument I often hear against Protestantism. 

Dialogue would be much better between both sides if we set aside the bad arguments.
EO #4 The examples you shared with me are atrocious to hear as an Orthodox Christian. St. Augustine is always the strawman scapegoat for these types of people. They don't seem to actually read what he wrote, nor do they know that the "Eastern Fathers" also teach original sin. The article about inherited guilt in St. Augustine and St. Cyril on the Orthodox West's blog is helpful in this regard. Same with the Ancestral/Original Sin article. Anytime I hear "East vs West" nonsense, I walk away. 

I remember commenting on Bp Irenei's video. That statement is pretty darn close to Pelagianism. Even his walk back statement was still crypto Pelagian (see from 11:41-12:54 of the video). I wish more Orthodox people knew that Pelagianism (in the form of Caelestius and Julian of Eclanum) was condemned at the Ecumenical Council of Ephesus. In fact, Nestorianism and Pelagianism were both linked by St. John Cassian and Marius Mercator: 

"[T]he error of Pelagius ... that in saying that Jesus Christ lived as a mere man without any stain of sin, they actually went so far as to declare that men could also be without sin if they [chose]." - St. John Cassian, On the Incarnation against Nestorius 

Accusing Theodore of Mopsuestia of being the father of the Pelagian position: "T]hat the progenitors of the human race, Adam and Eve, having been created mortal by God, did not wound any of their descendants when they strayed by their transgression, but harmed only themselves; that they made themselves guilty of the command before God, but absolutely no one else." - Marius Mercator, Commonitorium 

Romanides is just...he shouldn't even be taken seriously. Same with Yannaras. 

Orthodox people are better off learning their own faith instead of pontificating straw men about other confessions. I remember someone telling me about the "Latin view" of original sin. The Catechism of the Catholic Church didn't even teach what that person was saying. It makes Orthodoxy look really bad when erroneous polemical statements are made. 

With regard to your questions, I don't know enough about the Protestant confessions (especially the Reformed position) to give positive or negative answers to your questions.
The question isn't really about confessions. It's about how we must judge between higher and lower authorities when they disagree. We both would say to always side with the higher authority, right? 

Let me encourage you to address error where you see it (like the Irenai video). It can be tempting to take the easy route and just walk away - and sometimes the demands of life does require that of us - but if you can push back, do. 

Looking back over my notes, I realize I have one last question. Compare the following: 

We should also know that when baptized infants die, they enjoy the Paradise of delight, whereas those not illumined by Baptism and those born of pagans go neither to Paradise nor to Gehenna. (Synaxarion Saturday Before Meatfare Sunday) 

Mogila's Confession 20. What is original sin? 

Original sin is the transgression of that law of God which was given to Adam, the Father of all men, in these words (Gen. 2.17), Of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil thou shalt not eat; for in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die. This original sin spreadeth over all human nature; forinasmuch as we were all then contained in Adam. Wherefore by one Adam sin hath passed into us all. And we are conceived and born with this blemish, as the Scripture teacheth us (Rom. 5.12), By one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned. This hereditary sin cannot be rooted out or abolished by any repentance whatever, but only by the grace of God, through the work of redemption, wrought by our Lord Jesus Christ, in taking upon him our flesh and pouring out his precious blood. And this is done in the mystery of holy Baptism; and whosoever is not a partaker thereof, such a one remains unabsolved from his sin, and continueth in his guilt, and is liable to the eternal punishment of the divine wrath: As it is said (John 3.5), Verily, verily, I say unto you, that except a man be born of water, and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven. 

Mogila's Confession 63. What are we to think concerning those who depart hence under the wrath of God? 

Of these, some, after the last Judgment, will be punished with greater, some with lesser Torments; but both will be without end. As the Scripture declareth (Luke 12.47), That servant that knew his Lord’s will, and prepared not himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with many stripes: But he that knew not, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes. 

Mogila's Confession 68. Where is the place of those souls who leave their bodies under the displeasure of God? 

Many names are given to that place: it is called “Hell”, into which the Devil, when thrust out of heaven, was driven; as the Prophet testifies (Isa. 14.14), I will ascend above the heights of the clouds; I will be like the Most High, saith Satan. Yet thou shalt be brought down to hell, to the sides of the pit. Again, it is called “Everlasting fire”, as the Scripture saith (Matt. 25.41), Depart from me, ye cursed, into Everlasting Fire, prepared for the Devil and his Angels. Likewise it is named Outer Darkness (v. 30), Cast ye the unprofitable Servant into Outer Darkness; there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth. It is called by many other names, all of which mean a place of condemnation and the wrath of God. To this place go down the souls of all those who die at enmity with God, and under his wrath; and here are they damned. This, then, is to be believed by the Faithful, that as the souls of the righteous, although received into heaven, do not receive the full and perfect crown of glory before the last judgment, so neither do the souls of the damned feel and suffer the full measure and weight of the punishments before that time. But after that final and decisive judgment, the souls of all, rejoined to their bodies, will be crowned with glory or overwhelmed with torments. 

Confession of Dositheus, Decree 16. 

We believe Holy Baptism, which was instituted by the Lord, and is conferred in the name of the Holy Trinity, to be of the highest necessity. For without it none is able to be saved, as the Lord saith, “Whosoever is not born of water and of the Spirit, shall in no wise enter into the Kingdom of the Heavens” (John 3.5). And, therefore, it is necessary even for infants, since they also are subject to original sin, and without Baptism are not able to obtain its remission. Which the Lord showed when he said, not of some only, but simply and absolutely, “Whosoever is not born [again]”, which is the same as saying, “All that after the coming of Christ the Saviour would enter into the Kingdom of the Heavens must be regenerated.” And forasmuch as infants are men, and as such need salvation; needing salvation, they need also Baptism. And those that are not regenerated, since they have not received the remission of hereditary sin, are, of necessity, subject to eternal punishment, and consequently cannot without Baptism be saved; so that even infants ought, of necessity, to be baptised. Moreover, infants are saved, as is said in Matthew (Matt. 19.12); but he that is not baptised is not saved. And consequently even infants must of necessity be baptised. 

How do you resolve what Dositheus (unbaptized infants are not saved, subject to eternal punishment, and cannot enter heaven) and Mogila says (infants are "liable to the eternal punishment of the divine wrath," explained in 63 and 68) with what is said in the Synaxarion Saturday Before Meatfare Sunday?
EO #4: For your question regarding unbaptized infants, I refer you to the owner of this channel's work on the subject entitled "The Damnation of Unbaptized Children and Possible Exceptions" since he knows more about the subject than I. The translation I have for Meatfare Saturday also says "Hades" instead of "Gehenna", which might imply the particular judgement and not the last judgment. Regardless, I refer you to Craig's article. 

It was a pleasure having a discussion with you on the other points. Have a great rest of your day!
I have read that article before. He doesn't mention Mogila (I forgot to cite Mogila's Confession 64, which appears even clearer). Thanks for the conversation.

------------------------------------------------------------

This conversation appears to have wrapped up. Final points:

For Reformed Christians trying to wrap their minds around how to approach apologetics with EO, I've tried to show why I think that original sin is a good entry point. It also provides smoother access to processing Christology (why isn't Christ sinful if He is human?), anthropology (what is it to be human?), metaphysics (what is [human] nature?), and other areas on which that EOs like to think they have the high ground but don't.

Truglia exited this conversation quickly, which didn't surprise me. I've critiqued Truglia's videos on original sin elsewhere (link). 

In addition to double standard apologetics, another common EO tactic is quote-mining such as the rather dishonest EO #4 tried to steamroll me with - it is ironic that it led to EO #4 agreeing with me, and I'm glad to have learned of another theologian (Symeon) who uses language of "participation" in the context of original sin, phraseology that the more consistent Reformed theologians have likewise used (link).

EO #2 here is the same as EO #2 in the debate on infallible EO content. Like EO #4, he too ignored my citation of Augustine's Against Julian which affirms infant culpability. EO #2 also ignored that Luke 12:48 - which he brought up! - speaks of culpability. Notice that at one point, EO #4 begins to realize EO #2's ignorance on this subject over time and has to distance himself from his former, stated agreement with him. Here is one speculative reason:

As I see it, EOs are used to stock arguments. They're used to feeling misunderstood, so they're used to playing whatever apologetic track they've heard on repeat. This makes them sound like a broken, useless record when I make a simple argument using their own source of dogma, Mogila (whose confession had pan-orthodox acceptance at the 1642 Synod of Jassy). My simple argument was: if you suggest God punishes those who bear no culpability for sin, you've compromised God's justice. One who deserves no blame deserves no punishment. This is Augustinian thinking. This is biblical thinking.

Yet as simple as this is, EO #2 doesn't even come close to addressing it, let alone understand deeper criticisms like the charge of voluntarism (but which they're happy to try to understand if it's a charge made, say, against Reformed Christians). It's like their robotic programming requires them to generate the same outputs as an automatic response regardless of new data inputs. When this happens, don't lose the point. Keep bringing the conversation back to where they don't want.

Sometimes, you need to test whether people even know what they're talking about. When you see someone virtually plagiarize like EO #4 did in lifting all of those quotes from one website, ask them to define a key term in their position (like "nature"). Or when you see someone reference someone else as their source, double-check them like I did when EO #2 referred to the guy Truglia made his video with that I critiqued. I caught EO #2 in a lie, which leads me to question whether he even understands the keys terms we've been discussing ("liability" and "culpability"). Forcing them to define these words should force them closer to acknowledging the force of the simple argument. But only God works the conviction for which we pray.

The trend of conversation with EO #4 was encouraging, though. His willingness to backtrack and understand me properly - because he recognized that I took the time to understand EO properly - might allow me a foot in the door to discuss other topics. I chose to pivot to the question of normative authority mentioned in my last post on this subject (link). The rift within EO on original sin makes it easy to relate the issue to private judgment and that Protestants and EOs are really in the same boat when it comes to exercising judgment in matters involving matters on which higher and lower authorities disagree. It also puts an expectation for EO #4 and his ilk to speak out against other EO apologists when they hear of these misrepresentations. If such results in a shift of EO apologetic focus even slightly away from anti-Protestant polemics more towards intra-mural debate, so much the better as a worthy goal. Leverage agreement to gain concessions. EO #4 chose to claim ignorance. While this is a cop-out (especially since I simplified the argument for him), if he claims ignorance about Protestantism, then at least he can't very well critique it. 

My final point is actually what I think is a pretty strong indication that even for EOs who bite the bullet and basically accept a Reformed view of original sin, they still have problems in terms of resolving what their sources say about the final destination of the unborn. EO #4 referred me to this article, which I've read before and does not address what Mogila says about hell.

The point is not to insist that unborn or unbaptized infants really must go to hell. On Reformed theology, divine grace is sufficient for salvation. I've written on this elsewhere (link). The point is to press a seeming inconsistency in EO. Do unbaptized infants depart from this life under the wrath of God? Then his Confession 63 and 68 applies. See also what Mogila says here:

64. Do not some die, so as to be in a medium between the blessed and the damned?

Of these there be not any; nevertheless, it is certain that many sinners are freed from the chains of Hades; not by their own repentance or confession, as the Scripture saith (Ps. 6.5), In the pit who shall give thanks unto thee? And elsewhere (Ps 115.17), The dead praise not thee, O Lord; neither all them that go down into the pit; but for the good works and alms of the living, and for the prayers of the Church, made in their behalf; but chiefly for the sake of the unbloody Sacrifice (the Liturgy) which the Church daily offers up for the living and teh dead; in like manner as Christ also died for both. But the souls of such are by no means to be delivered by their own works; as Theophylact, treating on these words of Christ, in the sixth chapter of Luke, To whom Power is given of forgiving Sins on Earth, teacheth, saying, “Observe, it is said on Earth; For so long as we continue on Earth we can wipe out our sins, but after we leave this Earth we are no more able of ourselves to cancel our sins by our confessions. The ‘Doors then are shut’.” And again, on the Words of Matthew (ch. 22.13), Bind him hand and foot, by which the active Faculties of the soul are meant, he says, In this life life we may labour and endeavour, but afterwards the active faculties of the soul are bound, nor can we any more do ought atonement for our offences. And farther, on the 25th chapter of the same Gospel, he says, There is no more time for repentance and good works after this life. From all which it is clear, that after its separation the soul can no more perform penance, nor do any other work whereby it might be freed from the chains of Hades. Therefore, only the sacrifices, the prayers and alms, which are performed by the living, for their sakes, do comfort and greatly benefit the souls, and free them from the bonds of Hades.

Even if unbaptized infants could be somehow freed by sacrifices by the living, Mogila's denies what EO #4 suggests as well as what the supposedly infallible EO liturgy teaches: "those not illumined by Baptism and those born of pagans go neither to Paradise nor to Gehenna." This is a problem no matter how the EO tries to slice it.

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Are the Senses Trustworthy in Any Sense? (And What Did Gordon Clark Think?) 12 Dec 2024 7:09 PM (5 months ago)

A sarcastic tweet sparked a conversation I felt worthwhile to preserve. The initial tweet - which was reposted in a public facebook group of which I am a member - was:

It's impossible to trust your sense perception of the world, unless it's your eyes reading words on the pages of the Bible, then your sense perception is infallible somehow.

The idea is the same-old objection to Scripturalism: "Don't you have to read the Bible?" This horse has been beat to death because, as I said in my initial comment replying to this tweet:

This is a conflation of metaphysics (specifically, a question of causation) with epistemology (reasons). Clark actually made the same mistake, I think, which is why he opted for occasionalism (a metaphysical theory of causation) when such wasn't necessary.

Suppose our senses do function as secondary causes of our beliefs. So what? That doesn't mean I have to ground my belief in sensation (in terms of reasoning).

Getting burnt by boiling water might have functioned as a secondary cause according to which I decide to go to the hospital to get help. That doesn't mean my belief in the value of hospitals in helping me heal is grounded in my having been burnt by boiling water. Again, that conflates metaphysics and epistemology.

I've addressed this in old posts (link, link). I mentioned one of these links in reply to someone who asked if I had elaborated on my above comment anywhere else. And this is what kicked off the following, long conversation about whether the senses are trustworthy (in any sense) as well as whether there is evidence Gordon Clark thought the senses are trustworthy (in some sense).

The idea that both answer are yes might sound incredible to readers of Clark. Clark, of course, eviscerated empiricism in his lifetime. Note, though, that the question isn't whether Clark ever accepted empiricism but rather whether there is evidence Gordon Clark thought the senses are trustworthy (in some sense). And there is.

While the group is public, I'll avoid using the real names of my interlocutors. The comments of the first one will be indented, and my responses to him will not. His initial reply to me was:

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So, and just to clarify what imo is the issue being raised, I think (and I may be wrong - I'm not the best at this) is the *trustworthiness* of "senses functioning as secondary causes of our beliefs". And 'trustworthiness' here refers to whether those beliefs so produced are true or not. Is it the case that senses function as secondary causes of *true beliefs* to the extent that senses are trustworthy? If I remember correctly GHC and JR both said that even if senses produced 1 error then it could not be trusted, etc.... could it be that this is why GHC opted for a different explanation for such beliefs (whether he was an occasionalist - I now admit I don't really know). Anyway thanks for considering.

You have the right idea.

"GHC and JR both said that even if senses produced 1 error then it could not be trusted"

What does "produced" mean? We need to distinguish between metaphysical causation of beliefs and epistemological reasons for beliefs.

For example, Clark and Robbins accept that God is the ultimate cause of all things. So now reread your statement in this way: "even if [God] produced 1 error then [He] could not be trusted"

Does God "produce" error? Well, insofar as He is the ultimate cause of all things, He certainly causes erroneous beliefs. But do we conclude that we should not *trust* God? No.

This shows that causation is largely irrelevant to the conversation. This is why I say occasionalism (a theory of causation) was never necessary to resolve what is actually an epistemological question.

That is, we must return to whether sensations function as an epistemological reason for our beliefs. Must we infer our present beliefs in God's word from our beliefs in the reliability of sensation? I say no - this is backwards. Rather, we can infer the general reliability of the senses (i.e. in their being able to generally - although not always - function as secondary causes of true beliefs) from our foundationally justified belief in God's word.

Does that make sense?
So, are the senses as secondary causes of true belief trustworthy? Or to ask it as the pic does, is our sense perception of the world trustworthy?
I think we can generally trust our senses in that we have reason to believe the senses were designed to function as second causes of true beliefs. But note:

1. Our belief in God's word is our foundational reason for having any sense of "trust" in our senses in the first place.

2. Sin inhibits us from absolute trust that our senses function optimally. That is, original sin is such that senses can even sometimes - although not generally, I think - function defectively and cause false beliefs.

3. Even when we are no longer able to sin - even when we no longer have any reason to think that senses might function as second causes of false beliefs - it will still be the case that we must distinguish metaphysical causation from epistemological reasons. That is, even after the last judgment, divine revelation will always have epistemic primacy.
do you think that GHC or JR agrees with you on "we can generally trust our senses in that we have reason to believe the senses were designed to function as second causes of true beliefs." Any citations to that effect?
I haven't made it a point to know much of Robbins' output.

Regarding Clark, despite my suspicion that his late acceptance of occasionalism was a result of succumbing to the pressures of objections such as those raised in the original post, I do have citations that I think suggest he thought (at some point) as I do. The following is from a 1975 unpublished presentation of a brief as the counsel of the Hawleys regarding the session of the First Bible Presbyterian Church of Indianapolis before the Judicial Commission of the RPCES, August 18-19. Note Clark's understanding of Matthew 7 (see the last paragraph) as it relates to the surrounding context of courtroom decisions, especially as "courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document." Clark writes:

//Since now the case has been brought before Synod’s Judicial Commission, there is one phase in the Committee’s tentative draft, an idea doubtless in the minds of others, which needs attention. The Committee said that one of the charges against the Session “can probably not be sustained because they [it is[ are built on the judging of intentions that can only be known to God.” Private correspondence suggests that this consideration had some weight with presbytery. However, the statement could hardly have been made by a man of legal experience, for it is contrary to court procedure. It is also contrary to the Biblical material.

First, as to court procedure, the Committee, since it no doubt would not subscribe to a behavioristic theory of jurisprudence and define intention by observable actions, must have considered intention as a subjective state of mind. This state of mind is further defined as the decision to engage is a course of action with the knowledge or expectation that certain foreseen results will occur. Intention is not motive. An ancient legal example is that of the Russian anarchists who plotted to blow up the Czar’s train. Their motive was to kill the Czar. Their intention was to kill everybody near him. Intention refers to all the foreseen results.

Since the foresight is subjective, it is seldom if ever capable of direct verification. But it can be arrived at by such just and reasonable deduction, from the actions and words proven, as the good judgment of a reasonably prudent man would ordinarily draw from them.

Intention, instead of being something courts of law cannot look into, is a matter that they determine on a regular basis every day. A Latin adage is, Actus non facit reum, nisi mens sit rea. In English, An act does not make the agent guilty, unless the mind is guilty. This is one of the nicest maxims of the common law.

Nor is the determination of intent confined to criminal cases. Since conviction for the worst of criminal offenses, premeditated murder, depends on the determination of intent, it is not surprising that less serious cases can also depend on intent. A contract or a will is simply an expression of the intent of the parties or testator. The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.

This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.” Far from teaching that human courts cannot or should not judge the intentions of the heart, the Mosaic Law insists that human courts should judge intent. One must admit that God alone never makes a mistake in judgment. Human courts do in fact err at times. Nevertheless God commands human courts to judge intent. Numbers, chapter 35, sets forth an entirely different course of action for those who kill intentionally as opposed to those who kill unintentionally. Therefore on the basis of the Old Testament we assert that this Commission is authorized to judge intent. If further the New Testament in 1 Corinthians 6:1-8 assigns higher jurisdiction to church courts than to secular courts, the conclusion is justified by the New as well as by the Old.//
"First, sensation or perception is untrustworthy"...etc.... Language and Theology. I think the 1st edition is 1980.
Right. He means they are not absolutely trustworthy, which I already said. The senses should not be the sound basis for one's philosophy. Read one paragraph just prior to your quote:

"In the analyses of Logical Positivism and similar views, some arguments against empiricism have been indicated. The reader should consult the 2500-year history of philosophy. A few samples, if seriously considered, will suffice for the present purpose."
Clark makes no distinction between “absolute trust” and some lesser degree of trust (“general trust”) in reference to sense or perception. Empiricism fails because -firstly (among other samples)- sense or perception is untrustworthy*. Clark then dives into examples – neither does he attribute untrustworthiness to original sin. Clark never answers the question "Don't you (have to) read your Bible?" with something to the effect that "I think we can generally trust our senses in that we have [Scriptural] reason to believe the senses were designed to function as second causes of true beliefs". 
*for untrustworthy: “If a witness in a criminal case is shown to have perjured himself, how much credence do you give to the other statements he made. If your eyes deceive you once you can’t believe any of it.” From “What is Apologetics,” The Gordon-Conwell Lectures on Apologetics, 1981. Minute 36. See footnote 2 here https://www.douglasdouma.com/.../gordon-clark-on-the.../...
Somehow, I missed that you replied. In any case, please read the entire context of your citation here:
https://gordonhclark.com/audio-transcript-6-what-is.../

Notice that Clark is talking about empirical epistemology. I repeat, nothing I've said or cited from Clark supports an empirical epistemology, so I can only think you misunderstand what I've meant by general trustworthiness and need to reread my posts.

Further, from the above source, specifically read the following exchange:

//[Student On what basis do you say… so if you were a court justice, would just throw out the
whole court system?]

Clark: No, I wouldn’t. I would admit that it is frequently mistaken.

[Student: So are you then saying that sometimes our senses can be mistaken?]

Clark: Yes.

[Student: Or are you saying that they’re totally untrustworthy?]

Clark: If they contradict, one of them may be right, you know. If the two things are contraries, why
then, they can both be wrong. But if they’re contradictories, one must be right. The trouble is you
can’t tell which. You know one is wrong, but you don’t know which one’s wrong.//

Note that Clark does NOT affirm that the senses are "totally untrustworthy," only that IF they [lead to] contradictories, one must be right.

You have not addressed my citation in which Clark was an actual counsel in an actual Presbyterian court case in which he DEFENDS human courts (and even cites Matthew 7:16). And even in your own citation, Clark says he would not throw out human courts just because the senses are fallible (i.e. not absolutely trustworthy, a distinction I have no problem with and already myself made several times now). I repeat, the following are Clark's own words:

"The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.

This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.” Far from teaching that human courts cannot or should not judge the intentions of the heart, the Mosaic Law insists that human courts should judge intent. One must admit that God alone never makes a mistake in judgment. Human courts do in fact err at times. Nevertheless God commands human courts to judge intent."
Does it follow from Clark's NOT explicitly affirming in that portion of the exchange that the senses are "totally untrustworthy" and by putting forth those conditionals, that he means to say the senses are "generally trustworthy" to function as secondary causes of true beliefs? I don't see how. As for context, why is it that just after your citation ends, when the student replies, in effect, as you have, and then asked about reading/hearing the Bible, that Clark said "I shall take up that question, but at present, I wish to show that you can’t trust your senses"? Anyway, I also refer you back to the quote (from Douma). As for your court citation -did it ever dawn on you that if Clark used "occasionalism" (as you alluded to previously) as his explanation for reading the Bible, then maybe just maybe that same "occasionalism" could also explain "examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document"?
Your hypothesis would mean Clark thought we could have had infallible, extrabiblical knowledge, whereas I've already shown in the very quote that he thought human courts could err.

Again, you are not distinguishing contexts in which Clark is attacking an empiricist worldview from one's in which he is not.
Hypothesis? I'm not putting forward any such thing. I'm countering your insistence that Clark taught that the senses are 'generally trustworthy' to produce true belief. Your courtroom citation shows no such thing: "examining" (or reading the Bible for that matter) is just as compatible with what you call Clark's "occasionalism" as it is with your notion that the senses cause true belief. It's not a hypothesis, it's a logical point meant to show that your use of the citation is more innuendo than entailment. Again, I point you to what Clark actually said when discussing the matter of the trustworthiness of the senses. That's all I'm doing. No hypothesis building going on here.
You are avoiding my point: do you think Clark affirmed that God directly illumines/causes our minds to infallibly know extra-biblical information?
Here's what I think. You put forward the notion that Clark's "late acceptance of occasionalism was a result of succumbing to the pressures of objections such as those raised in the original post". Ok. Assuming you are correct (which I have no idea if you are), and since I have not really seen what Clark lays out as to exactly what this 'occasionalism' is or entails, I'd (in a fit of good will) suppose (at least at this moment in time) that late Clark's version of occasionalism (if there be such a thing) would at the very least be compatible with both (1) his definition of knowledge and (2) his account of the untrustworthiness of the senses (summed up as "sense or perception is untrustworthy", and "you cannot believe any of it") and would (3) have an account of human error such that everyday things like reading or examining evidence -replete with the possibility of human error- are as compatible with it as you think those things are compatible with your "general trustworthiness of the senses as secondary causes of true belief" (phraseology Clark never used when discussing the (un)trustworthiness of the senses).
I appreciate the civil response. I've basically been arguing what you have outlined, with the qualification that Clark sometimes uses the same word to mean different things (given different contexts). I'll give an example.

You say that "late Clark's version of occasionalism (if there be such a thing) would at the very least be compatible... with... his definition of knowledge." This is correct, but we must recognize that Clark will use the word "knowledge" to mean different things in different contexts. He even admits this:

//The various Scriptural usages of the verb know raise a problem in apologetics to which a commentary can only allude in a footnote. The common meaning is exemplified in simple sentences, such, “I know that there is a tree on the lawn,” and “I know that David was King of Israel.” But sometimes, both in Hebrew and in Greek know means believe, obey, choose, have sexual intercourse. English too uses the verb in a variety of meanings. In their opposition to the intellectual emphasis on truth, experiential, emotional, mystical, and neo-orthodox apologetes have contrasted the intellectual Greek meaning with the (sometimes) sexual Hebrew meaning. This contrast is misguided because the Hebrew verb and the Greek verb are both so used. More serious than this linguistic incompetence is a flaw or a gap in the apologetics of these apologetes. It is well enough to point out the extended meanings of the verb. The verb is indeed so used. But such information is irrelevant as an argument against intellectualism and truth. The fallacy or defect is that these apologetes fail to explain knowledge in its basic sense. To insist on extended meanings of knowledge is no substitute for a basic epistemology. (The Pastoral Epistles, pg. 166).//

Now, Clark's usual use of "knowledge" was the meaning he associated with a "basic epistemology." Knowledge with a Capital K, as he puts it, by which "certainty" is possible (see: Clark and His Critics, pgs. 75-76).

But there are other times he uses the word "knowledge" differently. Take this example:

//Though dim and restricted, this natural knowledge of God is not to be denied. Romans 1:20 may not guarantee the validity of the theistic proofs, but it plainly asserts some knowledge of God derived from “the things that are made.” Romans 2:15 shows a minimal a priori knowledge of moral principles. On such natural knowledge human responsibility depends. When Karl Barth argues that the heathen which Paul has in view are not the heathen generally but only those to whom he had preached the Gospel, so that all the others have no knowledge of God at all, we regret that his exegetical powers failed him (compare Church Dogmatics, II:1:119ff ). Yet this natural knowledge is minimal in extent and practically useless in communicating the way of salvation. Who can deny that the savage tribes of the jungles know very little about God? (God's Hammer, 1995, pgs. 92-93)//

The sort of "natural knowledge" for which Clark advocates is extra-biblical. Clearly, then, it cannot be the same knowledge with a Capital K that he speaks of elsewhere, for this would refute his own advocacy for a revelational epistemology.

Let's make this explicit. Here's how Clark sometimes defines and uses "knowledge":

//"How can knowledge, i.e., belief in or acceptance of a true proposition, depend on giving thanks or feeling awe? This is not true in mathematics. Nor can it be true in theology." (Karl Barth’s Theological Method, 1997, pg. 169)//

This isn't "knowledge" with a Capital K. This is just knowledge = true belief.

So - according to one definition of "knowledge," can we "trust" our senses? No. We cannot absolutely (granted, this is my word) trust our senses, meaning we cannot be empiricists who think a worldview can be constructed based on sensation. So, yes, one argument Clark uses is that senses commit "perjury" insofar as we are caused by them to sometimes have contradictory beliefs. Knowledge with a Capital K is not possible.

Does the possibility for error and "perjury" (in the sense communicated given above context) mean that we throw out human court systems? No. For we may have "knowledge" in another (Matthew 7) sense. It must be another sense than the capital K kind unless one wishes to say that Clark affirmed that God directly illumines/causes our minds to *infallibly* know extra-biblical information, one has undermined Clark's own project of advocating for a revelational epistemology.

What I am doing is trying to be as charitable to Clark as possible (harmonization, as you say) without going so far as to agree with his occasionalism. In fact, I want to show how Clark's own thought is capable of resolving what appears to have been a tension within his own mind, the "don't you have to read your Bible?" dilemma; I submit that Clark's own thought to this question was that "if I say yes, I've admitted revelational Knowledge empirical Knowledge" (Capital K), "but if I say no, then I need an account for how the belief I have is caused" (occasionalism). This dilemma is a false one, as I've tried to show in early responses.

I already admitted on my blog could be wrong in my understanding of Clark's reasons for accepting occasionalism, but I do think it best explains the material.
Thanks. Do you think that everyday things like reading or examining evidence -replete with the possibility of human error- are compatible with Clark's occasionalism?
If you're asking about my own perspective, I would reject that a thoroughgoing occasionalism is compatible with a sound epistemology.
That wasn't my question. How about another: Do you think Clark thought his occasionalism was compatible with those everyday things?
I do not think it is consistent to affirm that God directly causes false beliefs. This is the same thing I have already said: late Clark's occasionalism is inconsistent with his epistemology.
Again, that wasn't my question. Anyway, I will end my part in this convo (Thanks btw!) by pointing out that Clark was quite clear that when it comes to the senses, "you cannot believe any of it", but you'd have it that Clark, when it comes to the everyday things (eg reading, examining, etc..), would have us believe some of it. Other than not finding anything in Clark where he lays out what a sensation is and how it can then become a perception to finally result in a true belief (let alone trustworthy in a general sense), it's also curious to me that I have never seen any opponent of Clark jump on such an inconsistency let alone Clark try to clear up that inconsistency in the ways you describe. Too, when Clark was criticized by the likes of Nash et al way back in the 60s and Reymond etc in the 70s and others in the 80s, Clark never admitted that the senses were trustworthy in some aspect, or to use your terms, generally trustworthy as secondary causes of true belief. Also, when Reymond attempted to extract the trustworthiness of senses from Scriptures (like you recommend), Clark did not follow his -or your - lead in any way. Rather he attacked Reymond's exegesis - you can find that attack in more than one book btw. I'm sorry, but I just don't find your 'evidence' to be at all convincing. Again, Thanks for the convo (none of what I've said is a critique of your attempt to rework Clark's epistemology (others have engaged in that as well - Reymond may be a good example...), my focus was very narrow). Have a Great Weekend.
In order for Clark's epistemology to be "reworked," Clark has to be understood as he speaks in various contexts. While I mean no offense, but I don't think you understand the contexts of what has been cited. You repeatedly confuse contexts in which Clark discussed basic epistemology with contexts in which he is not.

For example, you bring up Reymond, Nash, and so forth. In those conversations, as I've said, Clark's focus was primarily on "knowledge" in terms of formulating a basic epistemology. But I haven't been suggesting that sensations function as reasons or some prior foundation upon which Clark's revelatory epistemology was built. Therefore, when you say such things as,

"Other than not finding anything in Clark where he lays out what a sensation is and how it can then become a perception to finally result in a true belief"

I have no clue what you're talking about. I never said anything like this. Rather, I said I think sensations can function as second causes of beliefs. Do you disagree? Do you think God directly causes false beliefs?

If we are speaking of questions that have not been engaged, you have not answered my question:

//...do you think Clark affirmed that God directly illumines/causes our minds to infallibly know extra-biblical information?//

This is an important question, because it relates to what Clark says about human courts and Matthew 7. Even in your own citations, Clark says he wouldn't throw them out - why not, do you think? If you find my view unconvincing, there's not much I can do about that if you don't respond to my questions.

On the other hand, your question to me was:

"Do you think Clark thought his occasionalism was compatible with those everyday things?"

My reply is no. I further specified why it is not consistent.

In short, then, senses may function as second causes of true and false beliefs. Therefore, they cannot be absolutely trustworthy and cannot be leveraged to make a case for empiricism in conversations about basic epistemology.

On the other hand, in a different sense (i.e. Matthew 7), senses may enable "knowledge" in a sense other than that which enables full assurance or certainty (knowledge with a capital K). That is, your statement,

"you'd have it that Clark, when it comes to the everyday things (eg reading, examining, etc..), would have us believe some of it."

is not only all too true - given the context of conversation is NOT a basic epistemology - Clark himself said so:

//The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.

This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.”//

And:

//Although not usually recognized as such, a certain claim to infallibility meets us in our everyday affairs. When an accountant balances his books, does he not assume that his figures are correct? When a college professor hurries to class for fear that his students will disappear if he is late, does he not make judgments as to the time of day and the proclivities of students? When a chess club challenges another to a match, does any suspicion of fallibility impede its action? Cannot this club distinguish the dogma ecclesiastica that there actually is another club from the dogma haeretica that no other club exists? Must not all people act on the assumption that their beliefs are true? (Karl Barth's Theological Method, 1997, pg. 146)//
/"Do you think Clark thought his occasionalism was compatible with those everyday things?" 
My reply is no. / Ok then find me a citation where *he* denied it. Not one of your citations shows that, nor do any of them show that Clark thought, as you do, that "the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of true belief". You are still operating only at the level of innuendo at this point. Find for me where *Clark* explains, as you would have it, of the senses, viz, "In short, then, senses may function as second causes of true and false beliefs. Therefore, they cannot be absolutely trustworthy and cannot be leveraged to make a case for empiricism in conversations about basic epistemology. 
On the other hand, in a different sense (i.e. Matthew 7), senses may enable "knowledge" in a sense other than that which enables full assurance or certainty (knowledge with a capital K)." Where does Clark ever teach anything like that? He does not. You want to prove your point? Find *that* citation. Sheesh.
If you want to continue the conversation after all, that's fine by me. But if so, I would recommend not getting frustrated.

Also, manage your expectations. Asking for a word-for-word citation is as unreasonable as expecting the word "Trinity" to show up in the Bible for the concept to be true.

Finally, my guess is that your confusion would be clarified if you answered the following question I've asked multiple times:

//...do you think Clark affirmed that God directly illumines/causes our minds to infallibly know extra-biblical information?//

I do not think you have grasped the implication. The point is, if Clark did not so affirm, then let's revisit the Clark citation I already provided that states:

//The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.

This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.”//

This must refer to a different sort of knowledge than that whose content is Scripture itself (about which Clark believed we could have knowledge with a capital K):

//Granted, it is unlikely that anyone should go to such extremes to substitute another woman for the wife of an unimportant theologian or philosopher. But how do you know? So long as substitution is possible, certainty is impossible...

The status of common opinion is not fixed until a theory has been accepted. One may admit that a number of propositions commonly believed are true; but no one can deny that many such are false. The problem is to elaborate a method by which the two classes can be distinguished. Plato too granted a place to opinion as distinct from knowledge; he even admitted that in some circumstances opinion was as useful as knowledge with a capital K. (Clark and His Critics, 2009, pgs. 75-76)//

Now, surely you don't think the intent of litigants is biblical information - and neither does Clark, which is why instead of telling jury members to crack open their Bibles, he says they should examine "his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document." This investigation will involve the senses, will it not? It is precisely the fact Clark then cites Matthew 7 as warrant for this "legal procedure" that my inference about Clark's thought - the idea that "in a different sense (i.e. Matthew 7), senses may enable "knowledge" in a sense other than that which enables full assurance or certainty" - finds evidence.
I go forward because you spin. I see you have not been able to provide the requisite explanation from Clark himself. Too bad. Tell me, where does late Clark ever say that "will involve the senses" is enough for him to infer "the senses are generally trustworthy secondary causes of true belief".
The quote I provided comes from August of 1975, within the last 10 years of Clark's life. If you admit that the following refers to intentional use of the senses -

//The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.//

- then Clark's following conclusion -

//This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.”//

- means that the intentional use of the senses is that by which one shall "know" the intent of the litigants.
I asked for citations from Clark - so, where does Clark say, teach, or define the "intentional use of the senses" and that such use allows him to infer that "the senses are generally trustworthy secondary causes of tb", or to infer the senses are "by which one shall 'know'", further where does he admit that the courtroom scene refers to such "intentional use of the senses" in such a way as to "'know' the intent of the litigants". I see no such citations. We could do this over and over - but it's on you to come up with the requisite citations. Please do.
I'll rephrase what I've already said by yet again repeating the same citation you have yet to seriously engage:

//The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.//

Do you admit that Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts? If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means.
I've already told you what I think about the court citation as far as my focus in this conversation goes. So, and what's very interesting to me, is you can't find a citation in Clark something along the lines of, viz, "In short, then, senses may function as second causes of true and false beliefs. Therefore, they cannot be absolutely trustworthy and cannot be leveraged to make a case for empiricism in conversations about basic epistemology. On the other hand, in a different sense (i.e. Matthew 7), senses [add: when used intentionally not accidentally] may enable "knowledge" in a sense other than that which enables full assurance or certainty (knowledge with a capital K)", and to go along with that, a citation to the effect that when using the senses intentionally not accidentally that the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of true belief?
You haven't told me if you think Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts. If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means.

You asked for a Clark citation. I have provided one. If you choose to avoid engagement, that's up to you. But in that case, it's clear you're not operating in good faith.
Not good faith? What you have provided is a single citation that you used to "infer" that Clark thinks as you do. I've already expressed in various ways why I'm not buying that "inference". As for intention and everyday things, doesn't *later* Clark (ie the occasionalist as you'd have it) strongly recommend I read the Bible? To hear, read, mark, learn and inwardly digest the Scriptures? Where does that later Clark say anything to the effect that such intention shows "the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of tb"? And, aside, where does later Clark ever let on that his occasionalism is just not compatible with his strong recommendation concerning such everyday things (hint: you already claimed above that Clark thought his 'occasionalism' was not compatible with such everyday things)? Again, I need better citations than the one you've provided to be in a buying mood.
Yes, you are not acting in good faith. You keep saying you've "already expressed in various ways why I'm not buying that "inference."" But actually, you haven't. You can't cite yourself once as providing an explanation of the citation I've provided. You still have not answered the same question I've asked 3 times, the same question I'm going to repeat until you actually answer it. Do you think

"Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts. If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means."

You're asking me a bunch of irrelevant questions (see below). This is an attempt to shift the burden of proof. I have already given my explanation of why this quote is relevant:

*****If you admit that the following refers to intentional use of the senses -

//The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.//

- then Clark's following conclusion -

//This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.”//

- means that the intentional use of the senses is that by which one shall "know" the intent of the litigants.*****

Note: your questions completely miss the fact that in the context of what I cited, Clark explicitly says, "This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.”"

Now, as I said, your questions aren't relevant, for Clark isn't talking about reading Scripture to determine litigants' intent. Clark isn't talking about occasionalism here. Clark is talking about extra-biblical information and gathering said information by the intentional use of the senses. He then says that such is what Matthew 7 means when it says, by their fruit, ye shall *know* them.

Please actually respond to my questions. Thank you!
And neither is Clark talking there about "the senses as generally trustworthy secondary causes of tb" anymore than the later Clark-the 'occasionalist' - when encouraging us to read, study, to get to know Hebrew and Greek, the Greek Skeptics, Augustine, and maybe even his own writings or listen to his own lectures, was talking about "the senses as generally trustworthy..etc.." So, you need to show me where Clark ever said or inferred or taught that the intentional use of the senses in gathering extra-biblical information such that one 'knows' them (whether that be litigants, or the doctrines of the Greek Sceptics, or even Clark's thought [as you claim to 'know']) entails "the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of tb".
You have been clear as to what you think Clark cannot mean. No one is asking you to restate your opinion on that. But you still have yet to answer what he does mean. Until you do, you're just begging the question (in multiple ways, actually). I'll repeat, for the fourth time, do you think:

"Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts. If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means."

Please actually respond to my questions. Thank you!
Last try. I have not given you my opinion concerning what Clark can or cannot mean (nor is that my aim in this conversation). What I have given you is my opinion on your attempt to 'infer' what Clark meant. If you wish me to buy your 'inference' then show me where Clark ever said or inferred or taught that the intentional use of the senses in gathering extra-biblical information such that one 'knows' them (whether that be litigants, or the doctrines of the Greek Sceptics, or even Clark's thought [as you claim to 'know'],etc) entails "the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of tb".
If you are unwilling to answer my questions, it indicates you are unwilling to follow what my reasoning is for my understanding of Clark's thought. If your aim has been to ask what other Clark citations evidence my position, then to be honest, that's not a conversation. So for the fifth time, do you think:

"Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts. If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means."
Well the floor is yours - show us your reasoning - just how does, say, the later Clark's (the occasionalist) encouraging, say, the reading of the Greek Sceptics (a clear intentional use of the senses on your terms correct?) entail (without you ever having produced any citation to the effect) that *Clark* thought/made the inference that "the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of tb".
Have you been reading my comments at all? I already told you that the quote I provided has nothing to do with occasionalism (I've challenged you to suggest otherwise, in fact). What I did say was:

If you admit that the following refers to intentional use of the senses -

//The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.//

- then Clark's following conclusion -

//This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.”//

- means that the intentional use of the senses is that by which one shall "know" the intent of the litigants.

At this point, I have to ask whether you do not at all feel a little ridiculous for refusing to answer my questions? Do you just not care? Is it just about appearances for you? For the sixth (!) time, do you think:

"Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts. If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means."
So, again, the floor is yours. Don't wait on me. Let's see your reasoning. Oh btw - your inference that if I am unwilling to answer your questions indicates that I am unwilling to follow your reasoning is obviously a non-sequitur. If you can't capture my mind by your powers of inference, why ought I trust your powers of inference when it comes to capturing Clark's mind (and you have made such claims - eg Clark's mind was in tension, Clark felt and caved to pressure, Clark thought his own occasionalism was not compatible with everyday things, etc...)?
I already provided my reasoning. For the third time:

If you admit that the following refers to intentional use of the senses -

//The courts must determine the litigants’ intent; and this they do by examining his acts, whether these acts be homicide or phraseology in a document.//

- then Clark's following conclusion -

//This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.”//

- means that the intentional use of the senses is that by which one shall "know" the intent of the litigants.

You haven't responded to this either. Again, you don't deal in good faith. So, the ball is in your court. For the seventh (!) time, do you think:

"Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts. If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means."
You were supposed to 'reason' that [Clark's conclusion "This legal procedure is entirely in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.] entails [Clark thought that the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of tb].
Is this a conversation or an interrogation? I'm waiting for you to answer just one of my questions. You don't dictate what I'm "supposed" to do, especially since I am now asking for the eighth (!) time, do you think:

"Clark is saying that courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigants acts. If not, please provide an alternative explanation of what Clark means.

Do you think Clark is saying that the courts must use the senses on accident? Do you think Clark is saying that examination of a litigants acts do not require the use of the senses at all? I want you to explicitly state what you think Clark means."
YOU said "It is precisely the fact Clark then cites Matthew 7 as warrant for this "legal procedure" that my inference about Clark's thought - the idea that "in a different sense (i.e. Matthew 7), senses may enable "knowledge" in a sense other than that which enables full assurance or certainty" - finds evidence" with the further notion (supplied by you), that Clark thought (as you claim he did) that "the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of tb". I merely asked for your inference to that conclusion and was surprised that you didn't provide it - so don't take my response as a diktat. My apologies if it came off that way. I didn't intend it that way. I ought to have started that reply with "I thought you were supposed to" sorry.
Further, as it turns out, the citation you rely on may only spell out that the purpose of, as you say, the intentional use of senses to examine evidence, is not to attain true belief. As you say 'knowledge' takes on many different meanings, and in this case, 'knowledge' may be satisfied in attaining what "the good judgment of a reasonably prudent man would ordinarily draw from them." Such a purpose can be attained even if the result is a falsehood. That is to say, the process is not malfunctioning even if a falsehood is arrived at as long as what is arrived at is something to the effect of what "the good judgment.. etc..". There is a correlate to this in Clark. In Clark Speaks from the Grave, in speaking about individuation, and as an application, Clark brings forward the case of accepting a person into Church membership, and although he does not explicitly use Matt 7, the idea is there implicitly. [Referring to Calvinists], "Admittance to membership is on the basis of a credible profession of faith in Christ. What is credible in one case is often not credible in another. The elders must judge, but they never claim to know". "Know' here, in immediate context, is an everyday thing - judging based on extra-biblical acts, etc. The upshot is that they never claim to hold the truth. They don't know. But, to borrow from the foregoing, they 'know' in the sense that they did their duty in coming to what "the good judgment..etc.." For support that such is an everyday thing, see Clark's What do Presbys Believe, Chapter XVI section 3, 2nd paragraph. Again the upshot is that the process has as its purpose the attainment of something to the effect of what "the good judgment..etc.." That such may result in falsehood is not an indication of a malfunction whatsoever. The attainment of a tb is nice, but incidental to the purpose. Understood this way, there is no need to second guess Clark's mind. No need to invent doctrine in Clark's thought that we have no textual evidence for other than an 'inference' that may not even be based on what the citation is actually alluding to. No need to even hold Clark was this way when he wrote it, another way after he succumbed to pressures...etc..
You come sort of close to admitting that the courts must intentionally use the senses to examine a litigant’s acts, so I’ll explain where I think you’ve gone wrong. You say:

“…the citation you rely on may only spell out that the purpose of, as you say, the intentional use of senses to examine evidence, is not to attain true belief. As you say 'knowledge' takes on many different meanings, and in this case, 'knowledge' may be satisfied in attaining what "the good judgment of a reasonably prudent man would ordinarily draw from them."”

Firstly, you have very selectively cited what Clark said. Perhaps that was not intentional on your part. Here is the fuller context of the Clark citation to which you allude:

//…it [a litigant’s intention(s)] can be arrived at by such just and reasonable deduction, from the actions and words proven, as the good judgment of a reasonably prudent man would ordinarily draw from them.//

Note what you cut. In particular, note that the court’s inference as to a litigant’s intention(s) is drawn from just and reasonable deduction *from the actions and words proven.* This shows your suggestion that the intentional use of senses to examine evidence was not to attain true belief is absurd, for Clark is here precisely speaking of the court’s examination a litigant’s acts, a very examination which occurs by their intentional use of the senses. Clark likewise references the same thing two paragraphs later as that by which intention must be determined.

You seem to be focusing on Clark’s phrasing that deals with court judgments regarding the intention(s) of a litigant. Of course, I have no issue with the point that the courts sometimes make false judgments. Indeed, that is a point I have made all along as integral to my case that the senses are only generally (not infallibly or absolutely) trustworthy secondary causes of true belief. But you miss what Clark says regarding that *on the basis of which* court judgments about intentions are made; viz. the examination of a litigants acts; the actions and words *proven.* By the way, how is it that they are “proven,” do you think? By the court’s use of their senses. Regardless, you can’t completely disconnect “good judgment” from an intention to attain true belief.

In fact, your own analogy cuts against you. You cite Clark as saying, “The elders must judge, but they never claim to know." Two points. Firstly, your analogy is actually disanalogous insofar as Clark is saying that not only must courts judge but also that their procedure is in keeping with the Biblical admonition, “By their fruits, ye shall know them.” That is, in your citation, Clark says the elders don’t know. In my citation, Clark says the courts do know.

But let’s now entertain your next point, that the elders actually do “know” in a different sense (which I would actually agree with!). Here’s the problem you now have: you must admit that elders judge membership admittance with an aim to attain a true belief! While they may admit into membership someone who is not a sheep, it would be absurd for you to suggest that Clark thought that elders’ “intentional use of senses to examine evidence, is not to attain true belief.“ On the contrary: elders examine evidence (by the intentional use of their senses) so that they admit into the visible covenant community only those whom they truly believe are sheep. Your analogy actually refutes your own suggestion. Like elders, courts intentionally use their senses to examine evidence to attain true belief.

I have no idea what you are speculating about in your last few sentences, so I’ll skip responding to that.
Clark’s related citation is important because the 'process' (intentional use of the senses to - somehow - gather extra-biblical evidence/premises) holds in both cases (admittance, litigants). BUT that citation shows that the purpose of that process (in obtaining a credible profession) does not entail the obtaining of tb concerning whether or not the applicant is regenerate (sheep), thus it is contrary to your, viz, 
“elders examine evidence (by the intentional use of their senses) so that they admit into the visible covenant community only those whom they truly believe are sheep…. Like elders, courts intentionally use their senses to examine evidence to attain true belief”. 
If obtaining tb is not the purpose of the process in this case, then neither is it the purpose in the other case. 
Perhaps it might help to think of the purpose of the process as contributing a degree of justification (to the degree of 'the good judgment'...), even if the purpose does not entail obtaining tb. This way it is consistent with what Clark wrote (at least as far as the citations go it seems to me), and satisfies your process and criticism: ‘proven’ relates to (valid) deductions made from extra-biblical premises *somehow* gathered by the ‘intentional use of the senses’ – such proofs contribute to justification (to the point of ‘the good judgment…’), but such proofs do not necessarily yield truth (nor are they used for that purpose in this process), etc..
I repeat, it would be absurd for you to suggest that Clark thought that elders’ “intentional use of senses to examine evidence, is not to attain true belief.“ Elders aim to truly weed out wolves from sheep. You know that Clark was an elder, right? You think he didn't aim to have a true belief about who should or shouldn't become members of his church?

Now, no one said it "necessarily yields truth" or "entails" truth, so I don't know why you brought that up. That's a straw man if you think I said anything like that. Rather, the point, as I said, is that in both cases, the aim is true belief. A court should desire to make a true judgment (even if they don't). An elder should desire to make a true judgment (even if they don't). This is common sense.

Again, consider Clark's reference to Matthew 7. *Knowledge* of one by their fruits obviously deals with true belief about said person.

Again, consider Clark's statement that reasonable deduction is "from the actions and words proven." The deduction happens on the basis of "proven" actions/words. That which is "proven" is true (or, at least, truth is one's aim).

See another statement Clark makes in this brief:

//The next step in the history of the case is the letter of apology that the Session wrote to the Hawleys on August 30 1974. Since this letter was tendered more than a month after charges had been filed against the Session – for the apology is dated August 30 and the charges are dated July 8 – since, to repeat, the apology was tendered more than six weeks after the charges were filed, the apology must be considered, in legal terms, a self-serving document. A statement, written or oral, made after litigation has commenced is more likely to be motivated by self-interest than one made long before the institution of the judicial action. Cognizance is taken of this fact in courts of law, and one condition of the admissibility of an unsworn statement is that it have been made ante litem notam.

For this reason and for a second reason the Commission should not consider this document as a valid apology. A true apology should have brought forth fruits meet for repentance. The Session should have assured the Hawleys that they could remain members. This is not found in the proffered apology. Though the letter is thus worthless as an apology, it is important as a statement of the Session’s defense of its actions.//

Clark accuses a session of an insincere apology. Do you think Clark did not truly believe what he said? Do you really think Clark presented his brief before the Judicial Commission of the RPCES without hoping to convince them of its truth? Such ideas are absurd.
Again, to repeat calmly, the correlate in Clark (in which the process is used to achieve a credible profession) is not one in which the purpose of the process is to attain tb (about one's regeneracy/sheep). And, further, you have failed to see the possibility that the process has a different purpose - justification - and such is compatible with the courtroom citation. You cannot therefore 'infer' from the courtoom citation that [Clark thought the process ends in "the senses are generally trustworthy as secondary causes of tb"].
I am going to move on with my life. We disagree. If you want to say more, feel free, but I will not be replying any more.
Ok one last question - do you 'know' you are regenerate?
Yes. That seems to me a much different topic, but see here:

https://unapologetica.blogspot.com/.../scripturalism-and...
https://unapologetica.blogspot.com/.../communication-of...
https://unapologetica.blogspot.com/.../clark-on-self...
https://unapologetica.blogspot.com/.../book-review...

There are just examples. I can cite you other posts of mine if you really want.
And do you ‘know’, like you claim the elders do when judging whether someone is a sheep or not (regenerate or not), by using the ‘process’ (intentional use of the senses, etc..)?
I don't think you read my posts?

I claim to have the strongest possible meaning of human "knowledge" that I am regenerate since I think self-knowledge is epistemically groundable in God's word.

That's why I think this is irrelevant to our discussion. The strongest possible meaning of human "knowledge" has nothing to do with sensation or the kind of "knowledge" elders/courts have.
No I did not read those links - but you've answered - and just so I have this correct - you are able to deduce from Scriptures that you, Ryan, are regenerate? And secondarily, If you can do that why can't the elders do that or at least confirm the deduction, and bypass the lesser process?
You should just read the links. I did the hard work 11+ years ago in thinking through these things. You should spend some time reaping the benefits.

As evidence I've already anticipated your kinds of questions, I'll quote what I wrote in those posts. To your first question: "you are able to deduce from Scriptures that you, Ryan, are regenerate?"

//I never said one’s own individual name can be found in Scripture. But that doesn’t preclude self-knowledge. Knowing “I am regenerate” does not imply I know “Ryan Hedrich is a regenerate.” Remember Sean’s reference to the difference between knowledge and opinion? Why can’t that distinction be applied here? I know I am regenerate. I opine I am Ryan Hedrich. Therefore, I opine Ryan Hedrich is a regenerate. What’s the problem?//

To answer your question about why elders can't confirm my deduction:

//In a recent post, I said:

I can know that I myself am elect without knowing anyone else is. Paul names specific elect individuals in his letters. Why should my knowing that I am elect be any more of a problem than the fact these individuals could know that they were elect even during their own lifetimes?

One objection to this has been that I can’t have deduced self-knowledge from Scripture, for if I had, it would be truth I could “readily communicate to others.” I said in that post that this objection is question-begging. To expand on that, why does philosophic knowledge require that I be able to communicate the account of my knowledge to others?

Given Scripturalism, divine revelation is necessary and sufficient for philosophic knowledge. So suppose that God revealed “[no one] knows a person’s thoughts except the spirit of that person,” allowing for trivial exceptions like God. Now, would I be able to prove to you, reader, that I actually believe this to be divine revelation? Not necessarily. After all, Scripturalism would dictate that your knowledge of my knowledge of what I actually believe must come through divine revelation. Even if you could know things about me, I’m not unquestionably trustworthy. So apart from divine revelation, what I would say I believe isn’t necessarily what I actually believe. You could take what I say I believe for granted, but your belief about what I believe is still opinion, not knowledge. But would an inability on my part to epistemically enlighten you about my reflexive knowledge mean I myself am unable to account for it? Of course not, given a person’s thoughts can be known by his spirit.//

In short, only God and you can "know" that (if) you are regenerate without the possibility of error. Full assurance, as Scripture puts it.

But like I said, self-knowledge is a completely different subject than what we had been discussing.
Actually, in that correlate, in that context, Clark is talking about self knowledge (eg the heart is deceitful, who can know it?). Anyway, how does “[no one] knows a person’s thoughts except the spirit of that person,” give you a 'philosophical' excuse not to share with us how you came to know in the fullest sense "I am elect" especially since you claim to have such an account? And it really doesn't bother me that your infallible account will somehow become fallible once you share it with us - I'd still like to hear it -and without having to plod through your 11 yr old writings - I'm sure by now you can whittle it down to the bare essentials. In other words give it a try - what could go wrong?
//Actually, in that correlate, in that context, Clark is talking about self knowledge (eg the heart is deceitful, who can know it?).//

I didn't even cite Clark quotes in my last comment, so I have no idea what you are talking about.

//Anyway, how does “[no one] knows a person’s thoughts except the spirit of that person,” give you a 'philosophical' excuse not to share with us how you came to know in the fullest sense "I am elect" especially since you claim to have such an account?//

It's not an excuse. That's pejorative, by the way.

You can share what you infallibly know, but that doesn't mean other people can therefore infallibly know the same thing.

And I have shared it with you. In those links. I have no desire to start a new conversation with you. It is enough for me that I explained that self-knowledge has nothing to do with our conversation about courts and Matthew 7:16. If you don't get it by this point, I'm sorry.

This is my final comment.

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And that is the end of the conversation with interlocutor #1. If he replies, I'll include it here. 

In short, Clark stated before a Presbyterian Judicial Commission that the court system requires the intentional use of the senses and that Matthew 7:16 is a biblical admonition of this legal procedure. Since sensation is non-propositional and cannot itself be the object of knowledge, it can nevertheless function as a secondary cause of generally trustworthy "knowledge" (in the sense meant by Matthew 7:16). And this explains why Clark disagreed that we should "throw out" the court system. 

But as I said at the beginning of this post, this has nothing to do with whether empiricism (or some worldview which would involve sensation as an infallible means of knowledge) is true. Matthew 7:16 isn't about what Clark would call "basic epistemology," e.g. what epistemically grounds one's worldview. Matthew 7:16 is about extra-biblical "knowledge." My interlocutor resisted answering question I asked along these lines, perhaps because he felt the force of the point. I am speculating. It felt like pulling teeth trying to get one straight answer to even one of my questions.

I am fortunate that a third party who had been following our conversation at one point stepped in and offered a few observations and asked a few questions that encouraged me that my point was getting across to someone. I felt like hadn't completely wasted my time. Here is that conversation (following the same pattern as above, interlocutor #2's comments will be indented and my responses will not):

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Maybe the hang up here is the term "true" before "belief"? I have seen [interlocutor #1] argue elsewhere for the distinction between belief and knowledge, and in support of belief in an everyday sense, in so far that a critic once again brought up the perennial complaint of Clark not knowing who his wife is. I "know" (pun intended) [interlocutor #1] has a place for belief within his thinking and makes careful distinctions in regard to this.
There is a difference between belief and knowledge. In fact, that's why I am highlighting why Clark's use of Matthew 7:16 in his defense before the Judicial Commission of the RPCES is an important point (among other ones I've mentioned).
Yep, I can see that. I sense that it's the term "true" that is the issue here in so far that it is being coupled with sensation. I think what you are getting at is something more akin to "as accurate as one can humanly be"? Not, as you say, the capital "K" or "certainty"?
Insofar as accuracy does involve true belief, sure. What you are mentioning is a point of epistemology. Well, all of us agree that the senses do not yield infallible beliefs.

What I am indicating is more of a point of metaphysics. What does "knowledge" mean for Clark in Matthew 7:16, for example? That's a question of metaphysics. He certainly means "true belief" at the very least, so to say that courts (and elders, for that matter) are not aiming for that is absurd. And I don't mean to be impolite, just frank.
Aiming is one thing, able to grasp is another?
Absolutely. Hence why our aim is not infallible. [Interlocutor #1] denies both. I accept the former, and while I deny that we can infallibly do the latter, I do think the quotes I've cited indicates that we can nevertheless place general (not absolute) trust in the senses. That is, the senses cannot be the foundation of our worldview. I think I quoted this in this long thread, but it's probably worth repeating:

//Although not usually recognized as such, a certain claim to infallibility meets us in our everyday affairs. When an accountant balances his books, does he not assume that his figures are correct? When a college professor hurries to class for fear that his students will disappear if he is late, does he not make judgments as to the time of day and the proclivities of students? When a chess club challenges another to a match, does any suspicion of fallibility impede its action? Cannot this club distinguish the dogma ecclesiastica that there actually is another club from the dogma haeretica that no other club exists? Must not all people act on the assumption that their beliefs are true? (Karl Barth's Theological Method, 1997, pg. 146)//

Our claim can be false, of course, but we at least act as if it is true (meaning we've aimed at truth in the first place!).

Edit: I should add that I think the aim has to hit more often than not for Clark to cite Matthew 7:16 here.

Here is a fascinating statement Clark makes in an unpublished sermon:

//"I have not filled my sermons with philosophy; nor even with politics, though the Bible can be applied to political questions and even to philosophy. But I have emphasized the message of the Bible itself."
1958. A Sermon on Romans 10 and 11. July 27. PCA Archives.//

He is clearly being somewhat hyperbolic or non-literal for the sake of his flock, but it shows the seriousness with which he took his ecclesiastical duties. He probably means something like "speculations" (which, honestly, late Clark - surprise, when he was not longer an elder! - especially was given to do in non-ecclesiastical circles). But he would insist he was fully serious when he says what he does to the 1975 RPCES Judicial Commission.

It's something I hope to write about more one day if I can find the time to transcribe more of his sermons and other material.
I sense that you and [interlocutor #1] are actually not as far apart as you both may think. 
I also agree with you in so far that we ought to act with regard to the sensation of many things. The Scriptures actually call us to act in regard to what we believe to be accurate sensation. So, in this sense, yes, I do believe that Scripture is commanding us to place some trust in the senses. It's the distinctions that you highlighted earlier that become paramount, and are also found within Scripture too. 
I also agree with you that Clark was in fact aiming in this direction. Clark's claim was never that all sensation is incorrect or even that it should be discarded all together, never to see the light of a, to use the analogy in play here, court room again, only that it be put in its appropriate place. Which seems to be what you and [Interlocutor #1] are both attempting to do here.
Again, I actually think you are both closer to one another than perhaps you "believe" (pun intended) yourselves to be. 
The "general trust" here is bound within the framework of belief and not knowledge.
"Able to teach" as Paul puts it, requires an ability to gauge, through sensation, roughly, at what theological level the people you are teaching are at.
Were that it was so. I think the critical point is what I say here (I cannot find your comment to which I replied):

//[Interlocutor #1] denies both. I accept the former//

I am referring here to your question about whether there is a difference between aiming for a true belief and obtaining it (or something like that).

If we cannot get to agreement there, then we cannot, as I say in an edit to an earlier comment I made that I don't want you to have missed, that:

"I should add that I think the aim has to hit more often than not for Clark to cite Matthew 7:16 here."
"I should add that I think the aim has to hit more often than not for Clark to cite Matthew 7:16 here." 
Doesn't that require some sort of reference though? For something to "hit more often than not," wouldn't that require some sort of ability to assess and therefore some sort of standard to assess by? Or are you only assessing through belief again?
That is one question further than Clark answers. Anything I say in response would be speculative. Here is my speculation: you are again bringing up a question of epistemology, and a recursive one at that.

I think that Clark rather is dealing in metaphysics. He does not always use the same terms in the same way. In this case, I guess that by "knowledge" he just means "generally (not absolutely) true beliefs." See here:

"How can knowledge, i.e., belief in or acceptance of a true proposition, depend on giving thanks or feeling awe? This is not true in mathematics. Nor can it be true in theology." (Karl Barth’s Theological Method, 1997, pg. 169)

Note the absence of evidence, epistemic justification, etc.

Thus, qualifying this Clark statement to account for that knowledge of one by his fruits will not be infallible, he could be saying that we know one by his fruits in that we generally have true beliefs about him.

Personally, I would use externalism to, I think, strengthen what I think is Clark's view. But I won't go there.
Right, this is important though. The above I think demonstrates the care you are giving to not delve into epistemology, and stay squarely within the realm of metaphysics, and that with regard to Clark. 
Personally, I don't see any problems with what you are saying here. In fact, I tend to agree. I had a lengthy disagreement with a Van Tillian here on this forum recently with regard to the need to acknowledge contextual distinctions between terms like "know" within Scripture. [...] and [interlocutor #1] both did a great job of demonstrating this point well actually. 
So, I think it's only fair that we allow Clark the same privilege, he was "certainly" (pun intended, or perhaps this highlights the point well) careful enough with his thinking to make such differentials. 
I think the challenge here might be one of language. To really get your point across, it may be helpful to try to use terms not commonly associated with epistemology and to try and find other expressions. 
The same issue crept into the debate with the Van Tillians mentioned above. "Know" isn't always used in an epistemological sense within Scripture and is used in different senses at times. Context obviously is the key, even with regard to your comments. The problem though is that at times people can hyper fixate on terms. 
It's a challenge that I think Clarkians would do well to address because how we speak can be, and often is, misconstrued, either nefariously or in ignorance. It would help a lot to adjust our language toward that metaphysical foundation you refer to here.
Context certainly matters. Of course, even if Clark's focus is metaphysical (and again, I am speculating), there will be epistemic implications - even if left unrealized or unconsidered (for various reasons).

For instance, if Clark's understanding of Matthew 7:16 is one of "generally having true beliefs," because he is also indicating in the courtroom context that these beliefs are intentionally or consciously aimed at, one unrealized or unconsidered epistemic implication would be that Clark's thought entails an internalist epistemology regarding how said generally true beliefs are obtained. Courts are aware that they are examining fruits and drawing conclusions.

This doesn't change anything I've said, just gives more nuance. I've argued Clark was also an internalist in his more basic epistemology, Scripturalism, but I doubt he was even aware of such a distinction.

And what you mention about Van Til connects to this. Van Til was present at the presbytery meeting during which Stonehouse, another complainant, is recorded in a 1945 Presbyterian Guardian article as saying (the " " is a direct quote of Stonehouse):

//He [Stonehouse] also held to be inadequate Dr. Clark's contention that God's knowledge differs from man's because God knows all the implications of any proposition, for it is a fact that even the human mind "cannot know it as a bare proposition, apart from an actual understanding of implications."//

Clark absolutely crushes this foolishness:

https://unapologetica.blogspot.com/.../gordon-clark...

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And that is the end of conversation with interlocutor #2, which I am grateful for especially as it gave me opportunity to clarify my points made during the conversation with interlocutor #1.

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Church History and Apologetics - Interview Transcriptions of Richard Price 27 Jul 2024 6:52 PM (9 months ago)

Having recently invested in and recommending that Protestants become more engaged in apologetics relating to church history (link), I would like to recommend Richard Price's works as an entry point for those who already have a basic understanding of Trinitarian and Christological heresies - many of which you can read for free here


While the author is a Roman Catholic scholar, his collection, selection, translation, chronology, and notes of documents leading up to, the acts of, and events following the various "ecumenical" councils are not only fair, they are regarded as a gold standard one will find many Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, Oriental Orthodox, Assyrian Orthodox, and Protestant apologists refer to when discussing church history.

His books are readily available. The focus of this post is to make more available some answers he's given to interview questions. I've only transcribed select material that I found apologetically relevant or otherwise interesting; the full interviews are linked below for those who want further context, information, or to verify the timestamps and language I've tried to clean up for smoothness of reading. 

Here, I won't add any commentary of my own, although emphases will be mine. I find that Price's analysis - even if one would not agree with him in every respect - needs little exposition for a Protestant to be able to recognize how many of his statements indirectly support sola scriptura against various proposals for infallible, extra-biblical traditions. Hopefully, this makes for an approachable gateway that encourages Protestants in particular to further investigate and, indeed, be benefit from reading early church history.


At minute mark 5:20, Price says: 
One thing which I've come to realize is that the doctrine as expressed in the church councils is far from precise in that - yes, brief, clearcut statements - but they do not explain the terminology. When they say that Christ, for example, has two natures, they do not tell you how they are understanding the word "nature." Or when they say that Christ has two wills, again, they have not actually asked themselves what exactly were the concepts of "will" that the bishops used and understood. So another thing that's become clear to me is that so far from you having, as used to be imagined, theologians thinking and arguing their disagreements - they come together and agreement is made on a particular statement of the doctrine, and then that's tied up - it is almost always the other way around. First of all, there had been a dispute, they summon a council in the hope of restoring unity, they adopt a formula. But very often the theology which is needed to explain that formula had not in fact yet been developed. So you have the development of interpretation of these definitions subsequently. It's only at the end of that process that the definitions are understood to have a particular meaning.
At minute mark 18:25, Price says:
How was agreement achieved? Well, they were imperial councils in a stronger sense: the fact that the emperor sponsored them. They were generally controlled by the emperor, and the emperor dictated not only the issues to be decided but quite rather often the actual conclusions that were drawn. The Council of Chalcedon: they wanted to produce a definition of the nature - the makeup of Christ - and they came up with their famous definition that Christ is "in" two natures, divine and human. 
Now, the eastern bishops were uncomfortable with this. They would have preferred the expression that Christ is "from" two natures - and we needn't discuss here the difference in meaning between "from" and "in" in this context. But what led the council to adopt the "in" formula is because the Roman representatives representing the thought of pope Leo the Great - what they insisted upon. They threatened to leave the council if the Roman preference for "in" two natures was not accepted. And the eastern Bishops gave way. Why did they give way? Because the emperor told them to. He threatened that if they didn't give way, he would end the council and there'd be another Council in the West to settle the matter. So council after council, the emperor in fact effectively dictates to the bishops the conclusions they are to come to. 
Now. of course, Emperors weren't fools. They weren't tyrants who thought they could just tell the church what it had to do, what it had to believe. It was well aware that its own clout inevitably had its limitations. But council after council, the actual matters being discussed and even the conclusions largely come from imperial direction.
At minute mark 29:42, Price says:
The bishops adopt formulas, but they don't have serious discussion about what exactly these formulas mean. And this means that although clearly the concern is with the truth of the Christian faith, the political element of achieving harmony in the church through agreed formulas is actually the prime element. I mean, either where there is quite easy to achieve agreement (or where there isn't, of course) - where there are serious differences in formulas, they have to adopt one formula rather than another. But still, the desire is, adopt - under imperial direction - to adopt definitions that will be accepted both in the West and in (at least) large parts of the East. So this angle - to call it political perhaps seems a bit pejorative - but the aim is essentially to restore harmony in the church through agreed formulas. That is the aim, not to discuss what exactly these formulas mean. 
And that's why I said so often the development is - it's not the theological debate that leads to the council being able to define something that is generally understood. Instead, defined formulas are adopted to establish continuing, communion harmony between East and West. And it's the task of later theologians to actually develop the theological understanding that makes sense of these definitions, that gives them a definite meaning, and which fits them into a developed and harmonious doctrine about God - Jesus Christ. 

At minute mark 32:37, the interviewer asks, "Regarding an earlier note that you mentioned, it seems like dogma or heresies are like a Schrödinger's cat - one dogma is both a heresy and not a heresy until it wins. So what are the mechanisms in process of how one doctrinal position wins and the other one becomes a heresy." Price responds:

Now, to what extent was there what we would call serious theological debate? There's something of that, but much less than we might have expected. But the trouble here partly is that it's mistake to think that the acts are a complete record. Now, the Council of Chalcedon, its incisive session was the fifth session in which the draft definition (produced by a committee) was presented and discussed by the bishops. And a large number of eastern bishops objected to the use of a formula deriving from pope Leo the Great's tome talking of Christ being "in" two natures and said that they much preferred the "from" two natures formula that the great Cyril of Alexandria had developed. And Cyril of Alexandria was regarded in the Greek East as being the greatest writer on Christology. 
Now, at this session, there were clearly - the acts do tell us that the Greek bishops expressed unhappiness in formula "in" two natures. But the fact is that the session went on for hours until they finally adjourned it while consulting the emperor across the Bosphorus. And the emperor wrote back, firmly dictated how they had to come together - small committee of bishops had to come together. They had to accept the Roman formula and then present that to rest of the bishops who rubber stamped it. But this initial discussion among the bishops and must on for on for some time could well have been a really - not just slogans being charged against each other - but there must have been elements of real, theological discussion. But none of that comes in the acts. The acts gives a very - it only gives a few pages.
At minute mark 38:55, Price says:
I'm going to, when I speak this evening, urge young scholars who still have this very good field to explore - the extent to which conciliar acts did actually circulate and were read. They're not, as I said, simply the stenographic record of everything that was read out and said - that had to be like modern records of parliamentary debates - then stored away in the archives somewhere. These are carefully edited texts in which there is a lot omitted. And sometimes, there are elements in them that we can tell are simply fictitious. 
I'm going to talk this evening about the first seven sessions of the third council of Constantinople that define that Christ has two wills and two operations. Now, uniquely, for this council, we have a narrative account of its first seven sessions in The Liber Pontificalis, which is a Roman collection of short biographies of each of the popes in turn. And this gives a summary count of these first seven sessions. 
Well, the number of sessions - their dates, the order of sessions - is different from that in the Greek acts (which were then translated into Latin, of course), the official acts. And, in fact, it's the record in The Liber Pontificalis that makes sense, while the order in the Greek acts does not make good sense. And if you say, "Well, why do they rearrange it?"  - in order to establish a sort of sequence, a hierarchy of authority. You start with citing preceding councils, then you get on to papal statements (the pope is the chief of all bishops), then you make your way down to a lower level, so that the sequence follows that. It's clear even from the statements claimed in the Greek acts that the actual historical order of discussion was really very different. Now, this, of course, is an unusual case, but yes, the acts are carefully a compiled record, which must be serving a propagandist purpose.
At minute mark 45:32, Price says:
There's not very much of proper theological debate at these councils: partly because it is omitted by acts that want to represent the bishops were more of one mind than they were, and partly because the important consideration is that the prime criterion of Christian orthodoxy is fidelity to the tradition. Theology is not seen in these centuries as being a question of developing Christian thought. That phrase "the development of Christian doctrine" is a modern one. Their concern is to proclaim and define doctrines that have been inherited, and the chief test of truth is whether you find these doctrines taught by earlier fathers. Carefully produced florilegia argue that the fathers had teaching on these matters, where a modern historian will most likely point out that when the fathers were writing at a slightly earlier date, the theology had not yet been fully developed, and a general understanding had yet to be reached.

At minute mark 9:02, Price says:
The title "ecumenical" or "worldwide" accorded to the great councils of late antiquity depended not on attendance by bishops from the entire Christian world - something that was neither achieved nor even attempted - but on convocation by the emperor, who was believed to be God's viceroy throughout the world. Even if much of the world failed to recognize him, the same claim was still being made by the by the Byzantine emperor at the time of the Council of Florence in the 15th century, even though his territory by then had been reduced to the largely derelict city of Constantinople and its immediate hinterland.
At minute mark 14:46, Price says:
In 431, Theodosius II summoned the first council of Ephesus with a similar purpose: to restore peace to the church after accusations of heresy had got out of hand. Hundreds of bishops dutifully made their way to Ephesus, but they never met together in a single body. And, indeed, such a gathering would have been pandemonium. Councils were chaired in consort by the senior bishops present. But how, on this occasion, would this have been possible? For the bishop of Alexandria had accused the bishop of Constantinople of heresy, while the bishop of Antioch had made the same charge against the bishop of Alexandria. There was no senior bishop acceptable to all as chairman. And how could a board of chairman operate? And several of them were themselves under accusation. Predictably, therefore, the bishops refused to meet under one roof. But the emperor refused to take the dispute seriously. In his eyes, the bishops were behaving like quarrelsome children. He thought it sufficient to tell them to behave, to meet together to discuss the faith calmly and with decorum, and produce a common statement of faith. Episcopal principle was as incomprehensible to him as episcopal acrimony. After three months, he gave up and dissolved the council.
At minute mark 28:44, Price says:
A curious situation arose in Rome in the 640s. Maximus the confessor and other monks from Palestine arrived as refugees fleeing from the Muslim conquest and persuaded pope Theodore that the Byzantine church - through its support of the doctrine that there is but one will in Christ - had fallen into the heresy of monothelitism. It was decided that the best way to restore orthodoxy was to hold a council in Rome which would issue proceedings that combined full conciliar authority with a convincing statement of the anti-monothelite - that, is the dyothelite - position. Substantial florilegia were compiled of passages showing that the orthodox fathers had been dyothelite, accompanied by florilegia filled out with fictitious passages showing that the great heretics of the past had been monothelite
But the problem was that these florilegia were far from compelling. They needed to be supplemented by detailed argumentation. Now, the pope and the Italian bishops were not up to this. Indeed, at councils, bishops were expected to discern the truth but not to play at being theologians. The solution adopted was for Maximus and his team to compose the speeches required - which they did in Greek - for these to be translated into Latin and inserted in the acts of the council that was duly held under the chairmanship of Theodore's successor pope Martin in 649. What actually happened at the sessions? Rudolf Riedinger, the author of the critical addition of the acts, supposed the proceedings had been fully composed before the council even met - that the bishops simply listened to a reading of this fictitious document and added their signatures. An Italian scholar suggested more plausibly that the acts provided a script that the bishops read from. It seems to me more likely that the speeches were never read out at all. 
A pleasing touch in the acts is that the Greek monks put in an appearance at one of the sessions and requested that the acts be translated into Greek - although, in fact, the Greek version was the original one and they had themselves composed it. The Metropolitan bishops with sees that were also provincial capitals were the star performers at councils. In contrast, their suffragans were lobby fodder. The typical procedure, once a matter had been put before the council, was of the leading metropolitans to carry out a discussion and reach a common mind. At this point, all the bishops could then be asked to state their opinion - now that it was clear to them what opinion they were required to express! And after a vote of this kind, they all had to sign the acts of the session. Abstention, still less dissent, was not permitted during the doctrinal debates of the council of Chalcedon. The boldest voice for the opposition, after the deposition of Dioscorus, was bishop Amphilochius of Side in Anatolia. Even he signed the definition when placed before him, after he had been struck on the head by the archdeacon of Constantinople.
At minute mark 34:52, Price says:
As I've said, after a case had been discussed in a council and the chairman - in the light of the discussion - had given his verdict, dissent was not permitted. This could lead to problems if the chairman was nodding. Notorious case with near disastrous consequences occurred at the Council of Chalcedon, when the deposed bishop Ibas of Edessa presented an appeal for reinstatement. Since the council that had deposed him - the so-called "robber council of Ephesus - was in deep disgrace, his reinstatement was certain. But the council felt obliged to give a hearing to the charges that had been brought against him. 
Tenth in the list on the charge sheet was the following sad and vivid tale. At a commemoration of the holy martyrs, no wine was provided to be offered in the holy sanctuary, consecrated, and distributed to the people, except for a very small amount of poor quality, full of dregs and only just harvested - with the result that those appointed to minister were obliged to buy wine of poor quality from a tavern (six pints of it) and even this was not enough. Meanwhile, in the sacristy, the senior clergy were drinking, had kept for themselves - as they always do - a quite different wine of superlative quality. The one in charge of the ministers, though, is told about it, so that he who'd give a frank report to the bishop did nothing. And so it fell to us to inform the most devout bishop who, however, so far from being stirred into action by our report, paid no attention, the result that many in our city were scandalized. 
The really important charge came next - is almost a perfunctory tree in its brevity: Ibas is a Nestorian and calls the blessed bishop Cyril a heretic. In the course of this hearing at Chalcedon, a letter was read out that Ibas had written almost 20 years before - soon after the first council of Ephesus - in which he severely criticized both the council and its dominating chairman, Cyril of Alexandria. This letter was an acute embarrassment at Chalcedon, where most of the bishops hugely revered Cyril's memory. It fell to Pascasinus, a bishop from Sicily who was the senior papal legate, to deliver the first and decisive verdict. Inevitably, he ruled in favor of the reinstatement of Ibas in the see of Edessa, but unfortunately, he added the words, "and from the reading of his letter, we have found him to be orthodox." We can only suppose that he had failed to grasp the contents of the letter - his Greek was limited, he always spoke Latin himself, his attention may well have been wandering during the reading of some lengthy documents which were not going to have any effect on the outcome. But conciliar etiquette imposed a requirement of unanimity. This made it impossible for the bishops who spoke after him to express disagreement. Bishop Maximus of Antioch actually repeated his commendation of the letter, not out of conviction - he was firmly in the cerulean camp - but because his tenure of his own see was insecure and depended on papal support. The other bishops as they delivered their verdicts wisely omitted all reference to the letter. 
A century later, Pascasinus' and Maximus' praise of the letter became a major problem when the Three Chapters, one of which was the same letter from Ibas, were condemned by both the Emperor Justinian and the second council of Constantinople, crowning a controversy of which Gibbons said that it has received more volumes than it deserved lines. Justinian argued that the approval of the letter by a mere two bishops at Chalcedon had not committed the whole council. But the seniority of Pascasinus as papal legate made it impossible to dismiss his verdict so lightly. 
Instead, a more desperate remedy was soon adopted: it was claimed that Pascasinus and Maximus had not been referring to this letter at all but to another document read out at this session - a testimonial in Ibas's support that he had forced 65 with his clergy to sign, which could surely be called Ibas's letter in a weaker sense of the phrase. And surely Pascasinus must have been praising, not the letter that disgraced Ibas, but the one that exonerated him. But if Pascasinus had not been referring to Ibas's shocking letter, this left the other bishops with no excuse for failing to speak out against it. 
Critics of Chalcedon cited this episode as evidence that the council had been tolerant of attacks on Cyril of Alexandria, who by the sixth century was universally acclaimed as a supreme exponent of the doctrine about Christ. This was the Achilles heel in the attempt by Justinian to persuade the many anti-Chalcedonian Christians that their devotion to the memory of Cyril was perfectly compatible with accepting the council. In all, the convention by which the verdicts of chairman had to be confirmed and could never be criticized simplified matters in the short-term but in the long-term was a recipe for a potential disaster. In this case, an inattentive chairman marred the memory of the greatest of the councils.

At minute mark 4:10, Price says:
Cyril of Alexandria claimed that this position was a denial that Christ is God. It's separating Christ the man from the second person of the Trinity. So he responded to Nestorius with his famous 12 anathemas, of which the 12th is particularly - well, they all stand out - twelfth is particularly telling, runs, "the Word of God suffered in the flesh and was crucified in the flesh and died in the flesh." This seemed to the Syrians to be blasphemous nonsense, and it was not yet widespread, common theology. Now, when we get Chalcedon 20 years later (451), Cyril was treated by everybody as being the greatest writer about Christ - treated with huge respect even by the Syrians of that council. But the council completely ignored the 12 anathemas and it did not reproduce its teaching in its own definition. There was still a sense of embarrassment and awkwardness about them. Only in the sixth century was it generally accepted - not quite accurately - that the council of Chalcedon had given its approval to these anathemas.
At minute mark 6:36, Price says:
What is meant by an ecumenical council? Now, nowadays, we think of Vatican II, and we think of a council that bishops come to from the whole catholic world, and that's essential for it being ecumenical. But this was not what was understood in the drawing of those seven councils from the fourth to the eighth centuries. For them, the key thing was that the councils are summoned by the emperor. Now, the emperor was regarded as God's viceroy on earth. Indeed, in the seventh century one meets the expression I find quite bizarre - that God is the emperor's co-emperor. As Constantine already claimed this - that God has entrusted all earthly things to my concern - so what made a council economical is that it was summoned by the emperor as an imperial council. And at the end of it, it was the emperor who who published the decrees. And it didn't matter that in practice, the bishops were from a quite a limited geographical range.
At minute mark 8:31, Price says:
Now, in the case of Ephesus, there's a particular curiosity because there were the council's bishops all summoned. The emperor intended they all meet together, come to a common mind. Well, they didn't meet together! Cyril opened the with the majority of the bishops there on his side before the Syrians arrived. The Syrians arrived and set up a rival council. They have in one city (Ephesus) two rival councils going on, attacking and condemning each other. Strictly speaking, the council never properly met. 
Now, after after the council, the Syrians came - Cyril's council which was certainly the majority one, condemned Nestorius - and the Syrians came to accept that condemnation, which means a gradual acceptance by everybody of this council as ecumenical. And that is standard by the time you reach Ephesus in 451. But the problem remains for us. Can we really call this council ecumenical? But it never properly met! The bishops never properly met together. [Here, the interviewer asks, "and when you when you say the bishops never properly met together, can you maybe just briefly expand on that?" Price responds,] Well, bishops meeting together means they meet together and discuss together, debate together, and vote together. When you've got the council split into two parts that anathematize each other, that's pretty funny as a ecumenical council. And the emperor - I said the ecumenical council is, in a sense, an imperial council - and the emperor Theodosius II never ruled. He never said, "This. I count this council. This half of it is genuine and the other is not." No, he though accepted some of the decrees of the Cyrillian - the majority - council, he never made any ruling as to which of the council really had his full backing and authority.
At minute mark 16:02, the interviewer asks, "You've mentioned here the emperor. And we know he historically had a pretty vital role when it comes to the ecumenical council. So can you maybe speak to what role did he play specifically at Ephesus during the council?" Price responds: 
Well, of course, both sides appealed to him. So there he was, in his simplicity: he'll get the bishops together, and they'll sort it out. But, I mean, the fool! He didn't ask himself who's going to chair this council. I mean, now, later councils are often chaired by high-ranking, imperial officials. But he sent a comparatively junior representative to Ephesus and told him not to interfere with the doctrinal debate. 
Now of the bishops there, the one - well there's two people who are most accepted as being a sort of (roughly speaking) at the top - the Roman legates, of course, were regarded as the most senior. But they arrived very late, only when ready the council had split up into two and condemned each other. So their presence wasn't decisive. 
Cyril of Alexandria? Very important, but of course the Syrians won't accept him chairing the council. And they - the Egyptians, their allies - won't accept Nestorius as chairing the council. So it was a hopeless situation. So it really - I mean, the emperor, as I say, he made a mess of it. He should have - now, after that, emperors are much more careful. They dictate the agenda. Sometimes they quite openly dictate the decisions the council of God has got to come to. Now, of course, we now just think this is improper. But remember the emperor is chosen by God to keep the church orthodox.
At minute mark 20:19, the interviewer asks, "Was Nestorius really a Nestorian?" Price responds:
Well, well! I mean what's one mean by Nestorian? Now, of course, what Cyril of Alexandria accused Nestorius of was not believing that Christ is God. He simply an inspired man like the prophets. Now, well, and later on this becomes the standard view of people by Chalcedon. Of course, there's some Syrians who are not very happy with this, but they don't make a great fuss about it. But really, from now on, Cyril is the voice of Christological orthodoxy. 
And Nestorius is condemned for denying that Christ is God. Now, of course, modern historians looking at what we have of Nestorius' writing which is enough really to say, "This is not fair on him." And also that the Syrian bishops were not condemned as heretics, and the fact is that Nestorius' teaching was shared by the Syrians. They shared this understanding (we can't say the Christ was the one who was born the Christ who suffered on the cross). But they they all affirmed this union, this coming together of manhood in Godhead in Christ. And that's still what is taught at Chalcedon. As I said to you already, Chalcedon didn't go the whole way with Cyril, with making the divine Christ the one subject in Christ.
At minute mark 28:07, Price says:
The original Nicene creed wasn't a complete creed. It was simply condemning Arius over Christology. So after it's very important and innovative clauses about Christ, it then says "and in the Holy Spirit." Full stop. And then it gives a series of anathemas against Christological heresy. Voltaire rather naughtily said, "The Nicene creed treats the Holy Spirit very cavalierly." 
Now, by the end of the fourth century in Constantinople, a new version of the creed had appeared that added what was surely needed: an article on the Holy Spirit. A very cautious one, it restricts itself to biblical expressions. So it doesn't say the Holy Spirit is consubstantial with Father and Son. So if you stick absolutely strictly to this canon of Ephesus, saying "you must have nothing to the Nicene creed," well, the creed we all use - the creed of Constantinople with this article in the Holy Spirit - would seem ruled out. But I think but that wouldn't quite be fair, because the fact is that people were ready to accept that there were varied versions of the creed on the condition you kept the essential parts of Christ's full Godhead. The wording of the rest, people didn't make a fuss about additions. 
As regards the later debate, yes, you see, what about adding the filioque? Well, and, of course, the easterners like saying this is improper - to make such an addition without an economical council. But I said, you see, already, I mean, the original article of the Holy Spirit was itself an unauthorized addition and was accepted as such. But, now, this does get on to one very fundamental issue about councils: where does supreme authority lie in the church? Now the Eastern Orthodox have attributed unique authority to ecumenical councils.
At minute mark 31:30, Price says:
Already at this, there are very big differences over the question supreme authority. The Roman legates and the popes - most markedly from the time of Leo I - at the time of Chalcedon onwards, were quite definite that the supreme authority in the church lies with the heir of saint Peter, that his teaching has full authority, that it does not need to be confirmed by an economical council. Now the legates of these ecumenical councils always made that clear - now, you may say, "why didn't the Byzantines object?" 
Well, they're sensible people. If you're meeting together with representatives of the popes, and you want together to approve the veneration of images or definition of Christ in two natures or two wills - this isn't the moment to start saying that you object to what the Romans are saying about authority. The Byzantines are perfectly happy. They never said we agree that Rome has this unique authority. They're perfectly happy together with the legates to draw up and issue these these definitions. Now, in the east, these definitions of councils have unique authority because the emperor - who is God's representative on earth - publishes them. In the west, they have authority because the pope puts his stamp on them.
At minute mark 34:47, Price says:
The Roman legates tended to say Rome's decided to forgive Photius and reinstate him, and they wanted the easterners to agree to it. And the easterners said, "Look, we reinstated him years ago. We're not going to reinstate him now. We're not going to set you off your you know your dictate on this." But still, essentially, whilst both sides agree to accept Photius as patriarch so that they - I say, they manage this really, really quite well. They agree there wasn't a common agreement where exactly authority lies in the church. As long as Christians of east and west and the emperor were reading from the same hymn sheet, differences about exactly where authority lies - where precedence - lies that could be put to the one side.
At minute mark 36:33, Price says:
They wanted to produce a Christological definition. And they produced a committee under the patriarch of Constantinople - produced a draft - which talked of Christ being "from" two natures. Now, the Romans didn't like that, because they felt there's a danger here. "From" - it might be "out of," as if the difference between the two is somehow blurred or lost. So they preferred this the expression "in" two natures. And so the emperor's representatives - high officials - told the Greek bishops, "Yes, well look, we must replace in the draft 'from' two natures to 'in' two natures." And the bishops protested strongly. They said they refused to. So what did they do? 
Well, there was a brief adjournment a few hours while a number of them went across the Bosphorus to consult the emperor. And they got a message back from the emperor saying, "Either agree to 'in' two natures and dropping 'from' two natures, or I'll end this council and we'll have another ecumenical council in Italy." It was absolutely clear dictation to the eastern bishops, and the eastern bishops gave way. Why did they give way? 
Well, I mean obviously - if "in" two natures was manifestly heretical, they wouldn't have given way. They wouldn't be allowed to be dictated to if was manifestly heretical. When it came to a wording that would please the emperor and the pope and which they could interpret as, in a way - whatever way they liked - they were ready to go along with that. 
And, of course, that you said they did they did recognize that the emperor is God's anointed one. And it happens again and again in these councils. I said they're lovely examples of eastern and western bishops meeting together, although they don't agree on where supreme authority lies in the church, but these councils would not have been possible if you do not have emperors in Constantinople who wanted to bring the whole church together.
Now, politics entered into some extent. Emperor Marcian in 451 was a usurper in the west. He wanted to be recognized in the east - usurper. He won't be recognized in the west, so he wanted Roman backing. So this was a bit of a quid pro quo. And later, I think, of course the Byzantine emperor has an interest in trying to hold the desperate parts of the Roman empire together. He wants to find some theological agreement. But quite false, though, to say that the emperors was simply thinking of politics, because they believe that their success of their rule depended on divine favor. And they would only secure divine favor if they preserve the unity of the church.

At minute mark 39:32, the interviewer asks, "One last question there about papal authority at Ephesus. What was the reaction of the council fathers to the papal legate Phillip at the council, especially what he said to the council?" Price responds:

I can't make the exact wording of it. He did make most quite clear - expressed Rome's view of its supreme authority. But I say, the bishops - Cyril and his bishops - took the sensible path. Since the Romans were ready to accept the decisions of the Cyrillian council, they just didn't respond. They didn't comment on these claims made by the Roman legates. They took rather, you know, "matter-of-form, coming from Rome. They feel they have to say this." They go back to Rome, they want to say, "Oh yeah, we stood up for pope's authority." But they knew that in the actual context of the council, Rome and Alexandria were in alliance, and this wasn't the time to start having awkward debates about the hierarchy in the church.
At minute mark 46:03, Price says:
Saying that great episodes defined our lady as Theotokos - that is a development in perhaps the late sixth century. The earliest I found it for is in a council synopsis, a sort of brief summary account of all the councils, written about 600, which says this: yes, the council defined that Mary is Theotokos. But strictly speaking, being perhaps a bit pedantic, there wasn't such a decree.

At minute mark 46:50, the interviewer asks, "What does father price think where Eastern Orthodox are wrong on the papacy in the first millennium?" Price responds:

Now, look, here I am, Roman Catholic priest, and, of course, I accept the papal authority in the Roman Catholic communion. There've been popes and popes and popes, and some of them would rather regrets. But it's an immense strength in Roman Catholicism that we do have a leader who can speak for the whole church and who can intervene in some cases to suppress - well, it's not always - sometimes, popes have condemned what shouldn't have been condemned. But he is a great voice of unity, and so the position of the pope, I don't doubt it for a moment. 
But as regards doctrine of papal infallibility, frankly, the doctrine of - now, Catholics are meant to teach, to hold, that all the pope's formal definitions as a pope are infallible. But that isn't the case! If I asked a deformed Catholic, what infallible definitions, formal definitions issued by the pope are infallible, they'd say, "Well, the immaculate conception in 1854, then the assumption." What about all the earlier papal rulings? "Oh, they weren't in fact intended to be infallible." They were! 
Frequently, popes laid down, with the full authorities of saint Peter, that this or that is the case. Why have these papal utterances not being collected together? I mean, there's been a Denzinger collection full of papal pronouncements, but some of which, of course, now look rather dated. But why have people not said, "If we held the popes have always been infallible, what were their infallible pronouncements?" Why has this not been done? 
I think the reason is that although people say we hold as doctrine the pope is infallible, that's not really what was recognized as achieved by the first Vatican council. What it was doing was setting up a papal, absolute monarchy - which has its advantages and, also, possibly some disadvantages. So, I'm the last person to say the Eastern Orthodoxy ought to accept papal infallibility. 
At minute mark 49:54, Price says: 
I think people - as regards earlier people pronouncements - I don't think people say, "The pope, said this, that settles it." No. They would look at the whole tradition of the church that has been handed down, and they refer to papal pronouncements, such as the great tome of pope Leo, as being very valuable and documents of weighty authority. But it's not simply, "Rome has spoken, this settles everything." It's a sense that down the centuries, the popes have articulated what is the common faith of Catholics.

At minute mark 50:34, the interviewer asks, "Did Cyril believe that celestine had the authority to definitively excommunicate Nestorius and had jurisdiction to do it and there was no need for a council?" Price responds: 

Oh gosh. No. No, I don't think that Cyril or generally the eastern bishops from fourth century onwards recognize that the pope himself has the authority to excommunicate or depose. No, they did not recognize papal authority of jurisdiction in the eastern provinces.

At minute mark 51:32, the interviewer asks, "Can the non-challenge given to legate Phillip's statement be taken as a tacit admission that the East view the western view on the pope is the head of the faith as orthodox?" Price responds: 

Well, the East agreed that the pope is the number one bishop, and that his words have weight. But you do not find in the East the idea of Roma locuta causa finita est: the pope has spoken that settles the matter. No, they did not recognize - take the tome of pope Leo. Now, that circulated in the west, where as soon as Marcian becomes emperor in 450 and bishops meet together in Syria and also in Constantinople and acclaim and approve it. Now, people are not saying the pope's spoken, that's it - that settles it. No, if it was to be accepted in the eastern church, this required eastern bishops coming together and giving it their approval.
At minute mark 54:13, Price says:
We have records of sessions - brief accounts of the sessions - held both by Cyril's council and by the rival Syria. Not complete by no manner of means, but the matters that were very important and debated and circulated, we know about them. But they're just two sessions of the council where there are what purport to be a complete record. 
One is the first meeting of the council that deposed Nestorius. Now, we know that that meeting went on for the whole day, because we hear the reference later. Afterwards, "the lamp's been lit towards the evening, the bishops are still debating." Now, we've got acts - we've got a record - of this, it's quite long. But it would it couldn't have filled the whole day. So what is there is selected material, selected by Cyril and his team as a bit of propaganda to send to Constantinople. 
It doesn't mention the fact that the imperial representative turned up, beginning of the session, and told the bishops they had no business meeting before the Syrians had arrived. But they said, "Are you sure of that?" He said, "Yes, the emperor's instructions." "Can you read us the emperor's instructions?" He reads them out. They said, "Oh! That's it, council's begin with a reading of the emperor's instructions, you've read out the instructions, so the council has opened!" and threw him out - had him removed from the chamber. So that's a bit curious. 
Now, the other sessions which purports to be substantial is a session a month later that we've already discussed - that canon saying that only the Nicene creed could be used. Now, this is a very odd document, because it consists of a series of documents - very clumsily cobbled together - where there are some remarks by spokesmen from outside or largely taken from the session of June the 22nd. So it scarcely attempts to be a proper record of a session. And, also, this decree stressing the authority of Nicaea and implicitly condemning - I refer to Theodore Mopsuestia the leading Antiochene who issued a much longer creed - implicitly condemning that. Now, we hear nothing about this for whole year. Now, if this session had taken place, there would have been a reaction to it from the Syrians. No reaction at all. So it's beginning to look that the whole session is a concoction of a year later. It's very curious. This is a very curious thing to happen. 
I mean, consider. Reading conciliar acts, they very rarely give you a complete record of everything that was said - in the way that what you have in America, in England. We have had famous reports of what all the MPs have said. They sometimes improve it - when MPs speak with a bit of slang or their grammar goes a bit haywire - they'll amend that. But otherwise it's a verbatim record. 
Now, we just don't have that for economical councils. A possible exception, I think, being what we call the eighth council of 869-70. That does, to my reading through with a great, critical eye. It does read very plausibly. It's a pretty complete record. But otherwise, what gets published is selective. Sometimes, of course, to suppress, reduce the amount of - not publicizing - disagreement. 
So Chalcedon 451, they they produce this definition. And this session - the fifth session - was the key one where this was debated. Well, none of that debate is included in the record, which is very short (only a few pages). Clearly, they didn't want to mention the fact that a number of bishops had spoken critically of the draft because that would be used by opponents of the council. So that is hushed up. So one has to be aware, reading conciliar acts, that they're a selective record. 
I've intended, of course, to convey authentically what the council had decreed. But they're not, of course, they're more than just a sort of brief bit of propaganda for wide circulation. Because, how many people read these records? Ephesus, now Chalcedon, were read a lot in the sixth century, because of great debate over the three chapters and that sort of thing. But on the whole, yes, they're halfway between official minutes that get simply filed away in a cabinet somewhere and simple publicity to be widely circulated. There's a bit of a halfway point between those two, and a reader of acts has to be aware of the extent to which they have been tidied up and a greater degree of uniformity is introduced than was necessary, than was probably the case. 
Though there, if I may say, Chalcedon is extraordinarily frank in its first session about disagreement, express, and at the end it declared Dioscorus and half a dozen other leading bishops in the east deposed. And this is a decree made - a judgment made - by the lay chairman presiding over the session. The bishops weren't asked, so here we find a council that's so far from hiding the fact that the emperor's dictating to the bishop. Bishops actually make a point of stressing it, because the bishops they felt disgrace themselves. At Ephesus too, a few years before, you see a condemning of Flavian of Constantinople. 
So the emperor's playing a major role, and one that did not cause him embarrassment, because, it was felt, that the emperors are there as God's appointed ones. And as I've said it was a great value. It greatly aided Christian unity in this period, the fact that however bishops might disagree, the emperor's the person who above all had a responsibility for holding the church together and assuring that God's people would continue to enjoy God's favor.
At minute mark 1:02:48, Price says:
It wasn't like meetings of the Senate, where a matter of a Roman Senate would be proposed, and all the Senators in turn could speak and could make counter-proposals. It was very open. Now, the ecumenical councils worked differently. There would be discussion, certainly. And then, however, a single decision, a decree (might be a longish document, it might be a very brief decision) would be presented by the chairman at - well, all the chairmen, in the plural, I mean. What we call Cyril's council - he was the leading figure, if you like, but there were half a dozen senior bishops also, as well, shared the chairing with him. 
Now they would produce a proposal. And then the bishop spoke in turn by seniority. And what was not possible once - now, the senior bishop it well, I mean, there's a number of chairmen working together at Ephesus. If you go on to Chalcedon, the senior bishop is the pope's representative, Pascasinus of Lilybaeum. Well, now, what he would do - he would get a discussion going, and then at the end of it, to pull things together, he'd make a judgment. And after he'd made that judgment, the other bishops were not free to express disagreement. They might suddenly decide to flee the chamber or something, but they couldn't vote against it. And this could occasionally lead to awkwardness, but generally speaking, the chairman was sensible. He was aware that, "Look, everyone's got to agree to it, so I mustn't say something controversial." But what constitutes the voice of the council is the fact that its decrees are signed by all the bishops present - by full unanimity.
At minute mark 1:05:45, Price says:
If we consider the essential role played by the emperor in maintaining the unity of the Christian world - well, perhaps I can say one more thing. Sometimes the East couldn't care less whether west agrees with it or not. Sometimes it is more concerned. Rome, I think, is always keen to have orthodoxy and good discipline - by Roman standards - accepted in the east because they want Roman doctrine and Roman discipline to be widely spread, something very similar throughout the church. There was a recognition of that need for unity, and as I say, God's instrument in maintaining this unity throughout the period of the ecumenical councils was the emperor. So if we accept that these councils being held - being agreed to by the church - why, you know, the least of this is God's will. Surely, we have to then recognize that the way God achieved his will was by setting up Christian emperors and endowing them with this worldwide authority.
At minute mark 1:09:00, Price says:
If there hadn't been emperors, there wouldn't have been ecumenical councils.


At minute mark 1:47, an interviewer asks, "What exactly is an ecumenical council? That tends to be a pretty common question that is somewhat hard to answer. How would you weigh in on this one?" Price responds:
The standard Catholic answer is that it's a council of all the bishops of the church. Now, well, the trouble with that is if you really push that, has there ever been an ecumenical council? I mean, the recent Catholic councils were just councils of the Catholic church. And if you go back to the early - the famous seven ecumenical councils - from Nicaea I to Nicaea II - did they really represent the whole church at these councils? There was almost no representation from outside the territory of the Roman empire - from Persia or south in Ethiopia. And, I think, you could actually say that the western churches were not represented. 
Now, you may well say, "Yes, of course they were, because there were representatives of the pope at all these councils." But they were there not to represent all the western churches but to represent the pope, who was - until the schism - regarded as the number one bishop in the church. 
So, what made them ecumenical? Well, the answer is that they were imperial councils, summoned by the emperor in Constantinople. Now, from the time of Constantine the great, it was a constant theme that God has made the Roman-Byzantine emperor his representative on earth. And as late as 1400, when grand prince Vasily of Moscow said, "We have a church, but not an emperor," the patriarch Anthony of Constantinople wrote to him, saying, "This is not true. The emperor of Constantinople is the emperor of all Christians. True that most of them don't recognize that, but that is what he is by divine appointment." 
And there's an extraordinary phrase that was used - certainly in the seventh century - which was to say that God is the co-ruler together with the emperor - not the other way around - God is the co-ruler with the emperor, because the emperor is God's representative on earth. Councils - they had to be summoned by the emperor, and their decrees did not of force until the emperor issued them as imperial laws. And that was the decisive thing that made them ecumenical and with full authority. Not only did emperors have this significant role as regards summoning councils and giving authority to their decrees, but we find in many of these councils that the emperors exerted a very heavy influence, one which sometimes dictated to the bishops that which the bishops themselves would not have chosen.
At minute mark 7:50, Price says:
In the second session of the council, the imperial officials chairing the session told the bishops that they had to draw up a new definition of the faith. And the bishops made it quite clear they didn't want to. They thought that to be very controversial. Much better just to approve a few sound, orthodox documents, and you then celebrate it. But no, they were told they must produce a new definition. They resisted this, but the officials didn't listen to them and gave them that order. 
Then, at the at the fifth session, when the draft definition was produced - and it was one the bishops were happy with, except for the Roman representatives, who didn't quite like it - the officials told the bishops they had to change the definition to satisfy the Romans. The great majority of bishops strongly objected to this. The emperor was appealed to. There was a delay of an hour or two, it must have been in the meeting. And the emperor replied that the bishops must go ahead and demand the definition. If not, he even threatened to transfer the council to Rome itself. 
Now, this pattern of imperial dictate, you might say, continues in later councils Constantinople I, Constantinople III. And, again, this is for us seems strange. But we have to go back put ourselves in the mentality of the Byzantine world. What is striking, though, remains the way in which the acts are so open about this degree of imperial dictation. And it's not as if the imperial officials were embarrassed by this, that they had something to cover up. No, they were even in the acts as they were published - which was not a full verbatim record, selective record. They wanted to make clear that the success of the council owed just as much to the emperor as to the bishops.
At minute mark 10:35, Price says:
The misfortune with the tome of Leo was that he didn't write it as a document to be read out at this council. He wrote it as a response to the synod of Constantinople of 448 that had condemned Eutyches, and he misunderstood the acts of that synod as convicting Eutyches for not believing that Christ had a real, human nature. So the whole of the tome is concentrating on: Christ has a real human nature. And, therefore, well, it doesn't, in a sense, bother to attack the opposite extreme, the Nestorian position, because that he wasn't then the issue. 
The result is that for an easterner very much conscious of the need to embrace the positive side of Cyril, it read as if it was really rather repeating some points that Nestorius had made. And Leo - I think he recognized the mistake, and later, he issued another document which we call his second tome, which is a much more balanced statement. But still, what was read out and formally approved at Chalcedon was the tome of Leo. 
Now, what was particularly misunderstood there was the famous sentence, you remember, of course, I'd let us read it to you: "each form - by which means each nature of Christ, the divine and the human - performs what is proper to it in communion with the other." Now, that was understood by many in the eastern speaking as if the two natures were each a personal, acting subject, which would be very Nestorian. But, in fact, he was simply repeating a standard view of philosophers that any concrete, existing being must have effects in the real world. That's what he meant here by, "each nature performs or operates what is proper to it." It has effects - it does things - otherwise, it wouldn't be real. 
But, in fact, in the rest of the tome, it does in a number of places make quite Cyrillian-like statements, expressing the fact that it is the divine Christ in his Godhead who is the ultimate subject of all we say about Christ and his words and actions on earth. If I may just quote you a sentence or two: "the impassable God did not disdain being a passable man, nor the immortal one to submit to the laws of death." And he goes on to assert that the one who was crucified and buried was the only begotten Son of God. 
So he, in fact, is clear, if you take the whole document, that the ultimate subject in Christ is always the divine Word. And that, of course, was the great main theme of Cyril of Alexandra himself: that even the human actions and sufferings are to be attributed back to the divine Word as the ultimate, personal subject.    
At minute mark 16:59, Price says:
In this letter, Ibas is very strongly criticizing Cyril and accuses him of heresy. So this letter, when it appeared, read out at Chalcedon, was a great embarrassment. What could they do about it? Well, the bishops were asked - well, not specifically about the letter, but what to do in conclusion about Ibas. 
It started off sadly by the one of the Roman delegates saying that Ibas is a sound man and his letter shows that. Well, what for the rest of the bishops to do? Well, all the other bishops simply ignored it, apart from the bishop of Antioch who was sucking up to Rome. And so it was ignored, and Ibas himself excused - tries to excuse - himself by saying that, "Well, that's what I thought before Antioch and Alexandria came together with the formula of reunion. After that, I didn't consider him a heretic." But still, it was an embarrassment that the letter was read out and that Ibas was not made there and then to withdraw it. I mean he excused himself saying, "Well, I changed my view later." But he could have been pushed more strongly to withdraw that letter. So this was later seen as a great embarrassment. 
And so what did they do at the second council of Constantinople in 553? Well, they produce a very contrived argument that the very fact that Ibas wasn't made to withdraw it is because everybody knew it was a forgery - that he hadn't written it - which was quite strange and unconvincing. So yes, the letter of Ibas is an embarrassment. 
But you can't say that Chalcedon expressed any approval of it. In fact, before they reinstated Ibas, they made him anathematize Nestorius. 
At minute mark 21:35, Price says:
I think I have to say, I don't think that the Chalcedonian definition did an entirely satisfactory job. Now, it's very striking. The bishops are at Chalcedon. They were quite unanimous - virtually, almost - that Cyril you know was a great theologian and we are loyal to Cyril. Huge emphasis on that. But you have to ask, how much of Cyril did they actually digest?
At minute mark 25:33, Price says:
At Chalcedon, although the bishops were clear that Cyril had been a great leader - that is was he who had secured the condemnation of Nestorius and put Christology on the right path - there was still reluctance to accept that the divine Word is the one who suffered on the cross. And so they recoiled from that, and Cyril's third letter to Nestorius was not read out at the council. At one stage, one of the bishops wanted it to be read out and was silenced. So, you see, that was unfortunate. That's the thing that led the complete, hundred percent Cyrillians to say that Chalcedon is not as orthodox as it claims to be. 
This, of course, was righted in the second council of Constantinople in 553, which is my favorite, actually, of the early councils. I think under the very firm direction from the emperor Justinian - who was himself a notable theologian - there, they they do define that, for example, our Lord Jesus Christ crucified in the flesh is true God and one of the holy Trinity. It is a great shame that that by then it was too late to reckon to win back the non-Chalcedonians. They had been embittered by the fact that Justinian had persecuted them, and instead of saying, "Hurray, the Chalcedonians are now in agreement with us," they said, "the Chalcedonians are now admitting that Chalcedon was heretical." So, alas, that was a great opportunity missed. 
So, I think, yes. For us, Chalcedon is foundational in Christology. But, you know, we do need, I think, to admit that there were the bishops didn't want to produce a new definition. They felt it was premature. In a sense, they were right. There needs to be further debate and writing and discussion on this before the full mystery of the incarnation could be expressed and unanimously affirmed.

At minute mark 28:13, an interviewer asks, "Did the council of Chalcedon - did it judge the tome of Leo as if it had the authority to overrule it? Did that ever ever occur?" Price responds:

No, I mean, there was the session when the bishops were asked about the tome of Leo, and they all affirmed it without any criticism. But, because the bishops rather hoped that - they were ready to you know give blanket approval to the tome of Leo. This they still didn't really want a definition, and they hoped that if they all said, "Yippee, we accept the tome of Leo," that would remove the need for a definition. So they didn't they didn't sort of probe it closely. But as I say, I think impartial reading of the tome of Leo will recognize that it essentially agrees with Cyril. As I say, it's unfortunate it was so directed essentially against Eutyches - so it didn't say enough against Nestorius - but still, a fair reading of it does show that I think his Christology and that of Cyril were essentially coincided.

At minute mark 28:13, an interviewer asks, "What is the message that you would say is the real heart of the issue, that you wish people would take away from that council? And if there is maybe something else that you maybe didn't put in the book that you wish you would have - anything you may have in your mind in terms of the council?" Price responds: 

I think that I would say that Chalcedon needs to be read together with the later councils of Constantinople II and Constantinople III which, in many ways, filled some some some some holes in Chalcedon, the most important, I say, being of the shying away from Theopaschite statements - that the one who died on the cross - the ultimate subject there - is God the Word. That is essential to add. Of course, Constantinople III proceeded to consider the operations and acts of will in Christ. And that again fills out what was adumbrated in Chalcedon. 
I think the Chalcedonian definition taken in isolation is open to many different readings. One trouble is, in fact, if you said, "Is the Chalcedon definition true?" if I was being persnickety, I would say, "Well, it uses these terms 'person' and 'hypostasis' - 'nature' - but it doesn't define them. And they were at that time still used in quite a wide variety of ways. And that means a certain lack of definition in what is being asserted. And the logic of these terms and their range of meaning is much explored later by Maximus the Confessor, John of Damascus and others. So those later developments by Byzantine theology need to be added in.

At minute mark 35:56, Price says:
I remember hearing about a meeting, a ecumenical meeting, between high representatives of the Vatican and representatives of the ecumenical patriarch held in Cyprus, and then cardinal Ratzinger proposed that they should agree to consider what was the role of the pope in the church in the first millennium. Well, the fact is, already in the time of Leo, popes are making claims which by eastern standards are simply exaggerated.
At minute mark 38:39, Price says:
The councils and, indeed, of most often the church fathers did not see their work in that way. They were clear that the great fathers of the fourth century knew the truth and that truth simply had to be maintained and protected by some new formulas and definitions which were made necessary by new heresies. But what you were doing was simply maintaining an original, God-given static, you might say, orthodoxy. Now, in many respects of the church's life - it's pastoral activity, all sorts of things - you can say that people, at the time, they got it wrong. We can say that things were happening differently. 
But when it's intellectual history, can you really say that church fathers, whose great aim was to maintain and uphold the tradition - that isn't what they were doing? One needs to have a sense that all these fathers share a sense of the mystery of Christ is something that is deeply experienced and is static, and through presence of the Holy Spirit, does not change within the church. While there may be a variation - verbal formulas get developed to exclude error, new errors mean that formulas have to be expanded or extended - but the sense that the fathers had that they were simply preserving a God-given deposit, that, I think, is important. And that is perhaps truth in conciliar fundamentalism. It's a matter of keeping to the truth that had been already expressed in earlier councils. 

At minute mark 40:52, an interviewer states, "the whole debate over the letter of Ibas shows that there was a lot of people thinking that every last bit of the council is authored by the Holy Spirit." Price responds: 

You're right about that. I was using that - I've talked of conciliar fundamentalism. Yes, I was referring to the fact in the sixth century, some westerners were appealing to, "The whole of everything in Chalcedon is true and inspired" and all the rest of it. I've been saying that even the definition of Chalcedon is not perfect, really. There's important things it doesn't say.
At minute mark 44:01, Price says:
They don't want to include anything that could be used as ammunition by people who didn't like the definition as finally produced. So, in fact, they don't include the draft definition. So this element of selectivity is a significant part in the acts. So that's one element that means that people didn't have in front of them a full record.
At minute mark 51:31, Price says:
Constantinople, after espousing, to some extent, monotheletism and monoenergism - teaching of one will, one operation in Christ - which was not heretical (they meant a joint operation, human and divine, and joint volition, the divine and human wills always acting together, there wasn't the conflict between them). But still, in doing this, they were certainly trying to find reunion with the non-Chalcedonians. 
But Constantine IV decided that now, with the loss of Syria and Egypt, the key thing was a close alliance with Rome. And, for this purpose, it was necessary for Constantinople to adopt the Roman teaching of two operations, two wills in Christ. Now, of course, this doctrine came from the East. It was Maximus the Confessor who would really develop them. It was Maximus the Confessor who had gone to Rome and persuaded the Roman church that this was a matter of fundamental importance and orthodoxy, leading to the Lateran Synod of 649 - of which I've also published a translation. 
And the emperor Constantine IV effectively decided that the best solution for all these problems in church and state was for the eastern - the Byzantine - church to adopt this Roman teaching. They weren't ready, and Maximus the Confessor was in disgrace, because he was regarded as having been treasonable. And Constantine IV got the bishops together, and he forced them to adopt the Roman line in a very extraordinary manner, because he himself in person chaired all the early sessions of that council - which was unheard of beforehand. 
And, also, one thing that my work discovered is that the acts of the first four months of the council are fundamentally false. We've got a contemporary record of those months in the Liber Pontificalis: the Roman legates going back to Rome provided an account. That account is superior to that in the acts. It's more coherent, it makes better sense, the sequence is right. But the very dates of the meetings - the numbers of them - in the Roman account is different from that in the eastern one. And the eastern record of those early sessions is - as other oddities - is exceedingly brief. It says nothing about the stance adopted by the patriarch. 
It looks as if the patriarch Constantinople was, for several months, resistant to this pressure to adopt the Roman position and then finally yielded to imperial pressure. And the acts are concerned to disguise this. Now, the teaching then wasn't very well expressed in Constantinople III, because they hadn't yet read Maximus. But once Maximus then was adopted in Constantinople and the those decrees on two operations and two wills were now read in the light of his theology, this represented - well, I said, a little careful using language of development - but certainly a considerable advance in the understanding of how Christ's operated. This derives very much from Greek thought, 
But again, it's necessary to understand the councils - to see the political element that comes in which, in the short term, quite often is the bishops in Constantinople having their their arms twisted for reasons in which there is a political element. Now, this doesn't stop the fact that their decrees were divinely inspired - divine providence acts through all sorts of ways, but on the human side, one needs to be aware that this political element was there repeatedly.
At minute mark 56:16, an interviewer asks, "What role, if any, did papal infallibility and papal supremacy play at Chalcedon?" Price responds:
Well, the easterners didn't believe in it. They recognized the pope was the senior bishop in the church. He had - must - be listened to with respect. There was a general agreement that Ephesus II had been - there was a sense of guilt over Ephesus II, that it had been a mistake to align so strongly with the Alexandrian position, to depose such a lot of Syrian bishops, to break communion with Rome. This had gone too far. So they did believe in - whether possible - acting, in having good relations with Rome and cooperating with Rome. 
But, of course, this didn't mean that they thought the Roman - any - notion of papal infallibility, nor, why was it important for Byzantium that Rome accepted the decrees of councils? Now, it wasn't, I think, because they thought that to be a proper ecumenical decree it must be accepted by the pope, otherwise its status is dubious. I don't think they thought that. Because for them, the key thing is the emperor. The emperor calls the council, the emperor at the end of it issues the conciliar decrees as imperial law, and the emperor is regarded as the one who's appointed by God as the guardian of the church: co-ruling with God, you see it use this extraordinary expression. 
Why, then, was it important for them that Rome was in agreement? Well, partly because if the decrees would be actually accepted and circulate in the west, they needed to be approved by Rome. But the other thing is, I hope, that because of a general sense in the east that "we want the pope to be on our side." It certainly helped if Constantinople could say to people didn't really like Chalcedon, "Look, this has the support of the pope." Otherwise, they might say, "Ah, even the pope is being a bit hesitant about approving it."

At minute 58:53, an interviewer asks, "Why did the bishops in Chalcedon feel they needed to judge Theodora if Leo had already reinstated him?" Price responds:

Well, they didn't recognize Roman jurisdiction in the eastern provinces. So Leo's reinstating, for them, was not decisive. A decision has to be made in the east. Theodoret's position at the council is a very interesting one. When the discussion was raised about Leo's tome and some bishops expressed some reservation about it, Theodore quoted bits of Cyril that agreed with Leo. Theodoret did not admire Cyril and his legacy, but he realized, in the context of the council, it is Cyril who's the person who was recognized as having authority. 
And then when it came to his - yes, they got rid of the decisions made at Ephesus, but then what about the bishops had be deposed at Ephesus? They felt they should say something. So Ibas gets reinstated, and Theodoret too. Theodoret appeared in the council with a statement he wanted to make - "They know they've got to reinstate me, this is my opportunity to make some doctrinal points." The bishops refused to listen to it, and they insisted when they reinstated him, that he had to anathematize Nestorius which Theodoras avoided doing right up all the years up till then.
At minute mark 1:01:14, Price says:
As I've said already, I think we need to say - we Chalcedonians - we've got to agree that there were things that Chalcedon did not make clear. The terminology was still too vague. It failed to express directly that the divine Christ is the subject of all the human acts and experiences. So we need to go on to Constantinople II. 
And then, I think, in dialogue with the Oriental Orthodox - you may know more, I'm not sure about recent stages in this dialogue - I can't believe that the Oriental Orthodox are still accusing the Byzantine Orthodox of heresy. But I don't think we can say, "Now, look, you've got a read Chalcedon in the light - it's quite true some issues got nothing wrong. but some issues they hadn't really yet obtained clarity on, so you have to look to some later councils. Can't you accept them?" Well, you can't really expect the Oriental Orthodox to say, "Oh, well now you've explained Chalcedon in a more acceptable way. We're ready to accept it." Because, after all, they only exist as a distinct body because they rejected Chalcedon. You really can't expect them to now say, "Well, perhaps we got it wrong. Chalcedon is, yes - properly understood, we accept, yes." No, you really couldn't expect them to renege on their own history in that way.
At minute mark 1:08:48, an interviewer asks, "Could that be an instance where the East recognized some sort of jurisdiction of Rome in the east; therefore, couldn't Chalcedon's reinstatement of Theodoret be one of confirming rather than establishing anew?" Price responds:
But in that session, when they decided to reinstate Theodoret, they do not refer to the papal decision as having forced their hand. In fact, I can't remember them actually referring to it. Now, naturally Theodoret he appeals to Rome, not because he thinks that Constantinople will yield to - accept - Roman jurisdiction, but rather that he recognizes that (particularly with the new emperor) Constantinople is very keen to restore good relations with Rome.


At minute mark 2:36, an interviewer requests, "Perhaps go over, if you don't mind, the evidence in the patristic era that would say, 'Okay, you can use images or icons more than just for catechetical purposes but for actual liturgical purposes to venerate the person that they image.'" Price responds:
The council was very concerned to restore the authentic Christian tradition, and so it worked not by theological debate, but by collecting a large number of passages - citations from earlier Christian literature. And they looked for what they could find - in what I like to call the golden age of the church fathers - between the first council of Nicaea and Chalcedon. And they didn't find a great deal. They found quite a fair number of texts that showed that the great majority of the fathers of the church saw nothing wrong in religious images, but they didn't actually find any authentic texts of this period that advocated venerating images. 
Actually, one text they didn't know, because it's a western text - saint Augustine, after all (very sound, sober, western theologian) - he, in his commentary on the Psalms, makes one very apposite remark. And I quote it to you, "Who adores or prays looking at an image without being moved to think that he is heard by it, and to hope that he will be granted by it what he desires?" That, I think, probably expresses of a general feeling in the Christian world. People wanted to pray to a saint. They'd go into the church, they'd kneel before their image, and they would instinctively and naturally - without thinking about the theology - pray to the image and think of the saint as being with or even in the image. 
So I think that was very natural, but the Greek fathers didn't really take up on that. They must have known people went to churches, prayed in front of images. But it wasn't yet a subject of theological debate, and as you said, when they felt a need to justify images, they referred to them above all as catechetical aids.

At minute mark 5:10, an interviewer asks, "you mentioned there the use of some spurious texts. Do you think that this maybe casts doubt on the authority - or credibility, I should say - of the second council of Nicaea, and were all of their historical sources spurious?" Price responds:

Well, there's been a big debate on that. One text they use that is certainly spurious is the letter attributed to Basil the great expressing very direct ideas of venerating images - not in his style, and not to be found in any of the manuscripts containing, you know, the quantity of letters by Basil. It's only found in these later iconophile sources. That is certainly a forgery, but other but otherwise, there aren't forgeries from that period.

At minute mark 10:08, an interviewer asks, "So what do you think about the theory that at the council,  the Greeks decided to say, 'We need to delete the descriptions of papal power in the first letter of Hadrian to the emperors'?" Price responds:
Yes, they weakened the passages. They didn't entirely remove them. They they softened the passages in the papal letter, the emphasis on supreme papal authority. But then, above all, they removed a number of demands that the pope had made early on in the iconoclast controversy. Byzantium had punished Rome by confiscating its estates in southern Italy and Sicily and by transferring most of the Balkans from its traditional being under Roman jurisdiction to the authority of Constantinople. And those passages are all absent in the Greek version of the letter. 
Now, it used to be supposed that this suppression was carried out at Nicaea II in 787. However, the great German editor of the acts of Nicaea II, Eric Lamberts, has shown quite convincingly that these passages were only removed from the Greek edition of the acts by Photius in the late 860s, when, of course, he was in conflict with Rome. And, of course, he, at that date - particularly, the council of 879-880 - really rewrote the papal letters that was sent to that council, suppressing a whole lot of papal comments. And the view of Dvornik, actually, writing on this, is that the Roman delegates accepted - at that point - that deletion, because they were aware that what the pope was demanding simply would be counterproductive. Well, but interestingly, back in 787, it is, I say, clear that, in fact, the Greek text did include these these passages - very unacceptable to Constantinople. 
At minute mark 17:29, Price says:
The other text which was quoted from the fourth century are directly hostile to images - were were attacked by Epiphanius of Salamis, the late fourth century great heresy hunter. And the council responded by saying, "Oh, these letters are forgeries." But they themselves quote a passage in one of these letters in which Epiphanius is deriding images where he then writes, "I have often said to my fellow celebrants that the images ought to be removed. But I've not been accepted by them, nor are they ready to listen to me, even briefly."
Well, that clearly isn't an iconoclast forgery, that statement. There's Epiphanius telling us that he was his voice was very much a minority one.

At minute mark 18:26, an interviewer states, "We've come across a lot of questions over the years as to what the evidence is of the fathers of the church doing these things, you know, venerating images of Christ and the saints. And I think that we are left really to trust whether the golden age fathers and the fathers thereafter were truly representative of the the apostolic tradition, because otherwise there doesn't seem to be a lot of documentary evidence that the apostles and their immediate successors did this." Price responds: 

I think the answer is that we have to accept a view of development in the church - in doctrine, in devotions, in external practices - and the task of the historian of doctrine is to show that this development was a true development and not just a falling away from the authentic apostolic message. The fathers didn't have that sense of a development of tradition, but that that is the way in which we need to make sense of these developments in the church.

At minute mark 23:12, Price says:
Remember now the debate in the 8th century is very primarily about images of Christ. Now, as I said, this may seem rather too tightly focused because in practice devotion to images of the saints was extremely important for people. But the reason of this concentration was that the iconoclasts wanted to argue that the veneration of images was idolatrous, and you couldn't really say that the veneration of images of saints was idolatrous, because people didn't regard the saints as being Gods. And so they concentrated on the images of Christ and said these are images which people are worshiping, as if they were worshiping God and all they are is painted images. 
And in response, the iconophiles again concentrated on images of Christ. So it was rather a narrowing - it didn't cover the whole sphere of religious images. And here, of course, the point they made is what makes it possible to have images of God was that Christ is God and he became man, and you can represent his body. Now, the iconoclasts responded, "But look, how is that - that's a picture of a body - how can that be a proper representation of Christ? It must either be saying that his divine nature's turned into a human body (which is clearly nonsense and blasphemous) or you're separating his humanity from his Godhead." 
And at the council, refutation of the iconoclast condemnation of images - of the early iconoclast council 754, probably written by saint Tarasios - makes the very good point that any representation, even as an ordinary human being, can't represent his totality. People were quite used to the idea that you venerated images of the emperor and his family. Well, and that's because although all the image represents is the appearance of the emperor's body, everybody understands that in venerating - showing respect to - such an image, you are showing respect to the totality of the person who is represented, even though the representation itself could only be partial. 
And there's a very interesting argument, again - it's the most theologically rich part of the acts of Nicaea II. Most of the actual debate was simply piling up earlier patristic texts and saying that shows it. But that is this refutation of the Horos or the iconoclastic definition of 754. And this document develops a very interesting argument that when Christ assumes human nature, he does not separate that from his Godhead. His Godhead itself, in the human nature, it makes contact with us. There is a certain sense in which, yes, the divine nature doesn't simply, in some sense, join in humanity, but it expresses itself in a limited human body. And, therefore, that is what we venerate. Not just a manhood that was connected to Christ Godhead, but Christ-God made man.
At minute mark 29:14, Price says:
Certainly, by the time we get to the Christian era, the Jews are very clear and strict. Of course, they do have the synagogue Europas, which is third century - the representation of biblical scenes. So there's not a strict exclusion of all imagery of that kind. But, of course, there is the greatest insistence that God himself cannot be represented. And, of course, this is something that was an important part of the iconophile defense - is that we don't make images of God the Father. And all you'll find in art is something - a hand appearing at one corner of a picture - which represents the presence of God. 
Now, in the Catholic tradition, representing the Father as an old man came in, well, several centuries after all this as as a way - if we could represent the Trinity, you want to represent the Father in some way. And if the Son is represented as a youngish man and you want to bring out the Father and Son are consubstantial, represent the Father as an old man. But I think this is this is of an unfortunate development. I think the sense, in the first thousand years, that God the Father simply cannot be represented, expressed a much more important truth.
At minute mark 31:35, Price says:
The earlier iconoclast council - 754 - did not include representatives either from Rome or the oriental patriarchates of Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria - which didn't worry the Byzantines. They didn't regard the presence of such representatives as being essential for an ecumenical council, because as I said - I was speaking to you, what, a few weeks ago - but for them the key feature of an ecumenical council is that it's summoned by the emperor, who was God's viceroy throughout the earth - rather, the world. 
Certainly, one might expect that Nicaea II would make a huge fuss about how "we have got representatives from Rome." And they produced two representatives who were supposed to represent the three oriental patriarchates. In fact, they were pretty bogus. They didn't bring a letter from their so-called patriarchs. They claimed to be the right-hand men - some assistants of the patriarchs. After the council they did not return to their supposed patriarchates, so they were very dubious. But despite this fact - that the council had contrived these representatives - it was keen to stress it was superior at the council 754. 
The emphasis in claiming authority of their council was only secondarily on that - on the pentarchy being represented. Their whole emphasis was the fact that "we represent the genuine authentic tradition of the church fathers." That, they saw, as absolutely essential. 

At minute mark 37:19, an interviewer asks, "The fact that the emperor would have to call an ecumenical council - that seems to that seems to militate against both the Catholic position and the Orthodox position today, since neither Catholics nor Orthodox believe that the emperor is absolutely essential to call an ecumenical council. Do you think that that may impact both of the Catholic and Orthodox communions?" Price responds: 

Well, of course, as regards the East, in the Byzantine world, the emperor was represented as having this unique relationship with God. He was described as God's co-ruler, and this was part of the whole ideology of Byzantium. And, of course, when there was no longer Byzantine emperor, this was a big sorrow - sad change. And the Orthodox had now to invoke - well, they stress above all - on a properly ecumenical council - it's a council that represents the authentic tradition of the fathers. That was a necessary change the sad historical circumstances. But I don't think that the fact the emperors were given such high position - their calling of these councils is so important - is in anyway discredited by the fact that that the tragic later history of Christendom.
At minute mark 37:19, Price says:
We accord honor to images, but not the true worship, latria, that is reserved for God and the members of the Trinity. But we do the veneration of honor to be paid to images, and that makes a distinction. So you can't say that venerating images is idolatrous. But it goes on quoting for saint Basil the great, "the honor paid to the image passes over to the prototype." Whoever venerates the image venerates in it the hypostasis - person, if you like - of the one who is represented. 
Now, this is making a very different point. Saint Basil was, in fact, talking about Christ as the image of the Father and saying that we worship Christ because the worship we give to him is not separate from our worship of the Father - the two are combined. Now, when this is applied to images - and you think of images of Christ - now, this is making a very valid point, that somebody who prays to an image - he's not thinking of the image as something, you know, "that's a material object to which I should have one reaction quite distinct from the person represented who is a intelligent, spiritual being." No, you venerate the image because it is an image of the person - makes you feel in contact with - think about this holy or divine person. And in the case of Christ, surely, as we worship Christ as truly God, praying to an image of Christ, we worship not so much not the image in itself but Christ in the image. 
And so Theodore the Studite - the most able 9th century defender of images - wrote as follows on this: "Perhaps, someone will object that since worship is veneration, it will follow that an image of Christ should receive the same worship as the holy Trinity. But let him learn that it is not the essence of the image that is venerated, but it is Christ who is venerated in an image of Christ." Well, yes, but surely that precisely is what is happening. A mistake the iconoclast made was to simply take the image separately from how it is used in worship and to say, "What is it?" But what we're really talking about is people going into a church, kneeling, or leaning over, kissing an image of Christ. Take the case we're thinking of and, in doing that, they are worshiping Christ. They're not saying to themselves, "Now, this image is just an image, but I respect it as such, but at the same time I'm venerating the person who is imaged." As they look at the image and through that image, they feel they are in contact with Christ. And, therefore, here we have a justification for worshiping images of Christ: precisely because our worship passes were through the image for Christ Himself. It was a bit of a failure in the debate: the failure to recognize that we're really talking about, not images themselves, but the way in which images - how in which Christians pray through images.
So what you find, therefore, in the definition, is two very different and not quite compatible defenses: one is saying that we don't worship the image because even as an image of Christ we simply revere, richly respect (if that's different from our worship to Christ as divine) and the other, I think, more perceptive argument is that we do indeed we worship Christ in images of Christ precisely because the image takes us beyond itself to the person who is there represented. This is a typical example of the way in which the fathers could develop arguments. They're fighting a war. It's not a situation you spend your time (like an academic) saying what is a coherent and consistent position you use a range of arguments that that are available to you, and you're not so concerned about coherence.
At minute mark 43:21, Price says:
In venerating the image, you're not venerating the image in itself. But you are seeing through the image; the image is a window. It's not a blank wall that blocks you, the image is a window through which you look through and obtain a perception of a saints and of the Godhead itself as it is incarnate in Christ.
At minute mark 45:04, Price says:
It was recognized that ecumenical councils must define doctrine. They had some problems with the first council of Ephesus, the one that condemned Nestorius, which didn't define any matters of doctrine. And so the - well, what should I call - it's almost a fiction developed that the council defined that our blessed lady is mother of God. Which it didn't. There's no such decree. The council actually affirmed she is the mother of God, but not in a definition. Now, by that stage, it was taken for granted even Nestorius accepted the term of calling Mary the mother of God, though he didn't terribly like it. But by the eighth century, it is certainly taking granted the council must define doctrine.
At minute mark 48:57, an interviewer asks, "What do you think of the images in the catacombs discovered with images of Christ and the apostles - are these anomalies or do you think this was widespread?" Price responds:
We haven't got other examples of that early date. I think some some similar stuff has been found in Naples. No, I don't think so, because the Jews themselves were ready to depict biblical scenes. There is certainly a feeling that portrait images or statues are there to invite worship - this was felt to be pagan. This is a prejudice that Christians had took over from Jews. But representing biblical scenes was regarded as quite acceptable.

At minute mark 50:50, an interviewer asks, "Doesn't the blessing of icons and statues detract from the fact that they are venerated by the very virtue of what they represent and not what they are (which the blessing aims at)?" Price responds:

Oh, that's very interesting. Yes, that's a very good point. The fact is, however, that one of the objections made by the iconoclasts to the veneration of images that the images were not blessed. And so they contrast them to the blessed sacrament: the bread and wine that become the body and blood of Christ which, of course, receive of a blessing from the priest. And so they made this objection that icons simply do not have this - cannot enjoy the status. 
This has led some people to represent the debate as a dispute between those who want there to be a tight control of the sacred under the control of the state and the state around church, and a sort of more widely diffused popular devotion. And, in fact, the defenders of the veneration of images did have to fill a need to make a point that venerating images is, of course, splendid, but it mustn't detract from attending the liturgy. It is the worship in church as a member of the church with the clergy, and one's fellow believers. That must remain the central, most important part of Christian devotion. 

At minute mark 51:58, an interviewer asks, "Did the eastern church believe in papal supremacy at the council? Because some are going to say that the papal claims were presented at the seventh ecumenical council." Price responds: 

No one disputed that the pope is the first in honor of all the bishops. But what was not accepted in Constantinople was that he had any authority over them. He could not dictate to them. But first in honor, absolutely. That was absolutely not disputed.

At minute mark 52:35, an interviewer asks, "The council of Frankfurt 794, an iconoclast council - could you briefly comment on that" Price responds: 

Now, I say that the defense in the east of venerating images could point to the fact that the fathers the great fathers of the fourth-fifth centuries had approved of - didn't disapprove of - images. They're quite happy with images being done. It's inspiration to piety and as a catechetical aide. And, therefore, it was quite to argue in the east that iconoclasts were simply not being true to the fathers. 
But the debate in the west was much more difficult, because the Franks, who strongly disapproved of venerating images and condemned the council of Nicaea II, did not condemn having images. So the pope - pope Hadrian - tried to defend the iconophile cause in the west got into difficulties, because, as I said, the fathers of the fourth century express no disapproval of images, but they don't talk about venerating them. And pope Hadrian - he didn't really win the debate against the Franks.

At minute mark 2:12, Price says:
In 858, there's a coup - a political coup - in Constantinople, and the patriarch Ignatius is deposed. And Photius, a very leading member of the lay intelligencia and the government circles was chosen as his successor. Well, pope Nicholas I, saint Nicholas - a very strong figure, rather a terrifying figure, I think - regards this as entirely improper. The deposition of a patriarch for no proper grounds had been communicated to him, and the election of, in his place, a layman. And so he wouldn't accept Photius, and a Roman council in 863 declared Photius deposed and excommunicated. 
Well, in 867 Photius retaliated by having a synod in Constantinople that declared pope Nicholas himself deposed and excommunicated. But in the very same year, just a few months later, the emperor was murdered. A new emperor appears on the throne, and he reverses the position. He has Photius deposed, and he reinstates patriarch Ignatius. So its Byzantine politics caused the sudden swings: to Photius being chosen to replace Ignatius, and now Ignatius being reinstated, Photius pushed out. And then the council was heard in order to deliver formal ecclesiastical judgment against Photius and achieve or celebrate a new reconciliation between Byzantium and Rome, after a schism between them of a particularly shocking kind. 

At minute mark 5:06, the interviewer asks, "This is where it gets a little more confusing because we have multiple councils going on here. So let's talk about 879-880 and, also, how did the acts of this council survive. Can you maybe go into that?" Price responds:

Well, the reason for hopping on immediately 879 - and we'll be going backwards and, obviously, going back to council 869-70 - but simply, at this point, I think I'd like to say something about the survival of the acts. So: 877, patriarch Ignatius dies, and Photius is reappointed restored as patriarch. And the eastern churches - that's the within the Byzantine empire, but also the oriental patriarchates - immediately accepted him and condemned the council of 869-70. Now, how did the pope react? Well, John VIII, this is. More cautious, not as bold a personality as Nicholas I. And he acquiesced in it, because he desperately needed Byzantine help against the Saracens, Muslims who were invading us - not only Sicily, also southern Italy. And, in fact, the imperial fleet and army was extremely successful pushing them back in the same year that the council is actually, finally held. So, they feel that in order to undo the work of this earlier council with ecumenical claims, they'll need a new council. And that was held, attended by papal legates. This council, yes, it formally accepted Photius - well, rather, Photius has already been fully accepted in the east, and the Roman legates, arrived in 879, said "Now, because of the Roman condemnation of Photius" - they didn't talk so much about the council of 869-70 - "because the popes have condemned him, he remains condemned, so the point of this council is to retract that condemnation." To which the easterners replied, "Rubbish! We don't accept that condemnation. We regarded Photius as patriarch for ages." So that was the slightly tense situation. Anyhow, so, yes, that council met and condemned the council of 869-70 just 10 years after it had been held.
At minute mark 11:24, Price says:
The Roman legates at the council of 879-80, went together with a, well, it's a sort of general terms, a sort of condemnation of the - rejection of the - decisions of the previous council. And the fact is that, of course, the 869-70 council - now, this is a curious fact. When the legates, Roman legates, in 870 got back to Rome, well, they're pretty annoyed at Byzantine not having protected them against pirates. But there was another, more substantial reason why Rome was feeling out of sorts with Byzantium, and that is over Bulgaria. I mean, this is something that wasn't discussed at the council proper, though there were some meetings at the end involving people on both sides. 
If the question was that Bulgaria had just adopted the Christian religion, should it be under Rome or Constantinople? And both Roman and Constantinople laid claim to it. And because Constantinople continued to send Greek bishops there and and didn't recognize Roman jurisdiction there, Rome never in fact formally approved the decrees of 870. It was only centuries later, which I shall talk about later on, I think, that Rome dug up this - you know, dusted its copy - and started describing it as the eighth ecumenical council.
At minute mark 14:12, Price says:
Rome did not at any stage give its approval to the council. Of course, it approved the council's chief work of deposing (condemning) Photius, but it wasn't ready to - out of resentment towards Byzantium - wasn't ready to give the council its formal approbation. 
At minute mark 17:22, the interviewer asks, "It seems like there there weren't many bishops who really attended 869. It was poorly attended, so how can we talk about this being ecumenical?" Price responds:
Well, this is pretty startling. Now, an ecumenical council is meant to be universal. Well, what sort of numbers do you expect in the early church? Chalcedon would later claim - what was it - 630 or something bishops? But that included a lot of names simply handed in by the bishops towards the end of the council. But we can say about 370. The second council of Nicaea had 340 bishops attending. The council of 879-80 - the later pro-Prussian council - has 380. 
Well, how many attended our council this evening? Well, the first session - you scarcely believe this - apart from the patriarchal representatives, there were 12 bishops! Well, as time passed, more joined them. At the eighth - the most important - session of the council, it really completed its work. They were up to 37. Now, the final session which was sometime afterwards, it went up to 103, but this is terribly unimpressive. 
Now, why did so bishops attend? I think one can deduce the deposition of Photius was not popular, but my collaborator thought that the chief reason simply was rather the humiliation of a patriarch of Constantinople being condemned at a council and defrocked-  was simply a humiliation that the Byzantine church was extremely reluctant to accept. Well, if the emperor wanted to push out Photius and put in Ignatius, they would have gone along with that. But a formal, conciliar condemnation was clearly massively unpopular. 
That raised the question: if numbers are so few, how can it be considered ecumenical? Well, yes, I mean it is a bit tricky. But what are the criteria - what makes a council ecumenical? I mean, this we have to repeat, particularly the context of Catholics. Because we understand economical mean the representatives from the whole church. Well, they never were, at the early ecumenical councils, because over the overwhelming majority of bishops present were bishops from within the Byzantine empire. Very rarely do you have bishops from other parts of the east or south of the empire. Now, there are the papal legates but they're not there in order to represent the western church as a distinct geographical part of the church. They're there because the pope is accepted by everybody is the number one bishop, so he must be represented. 
So, what makes these councils ecumenical? Well, the answer is because they are summoned by the emperor, and it is the emperor who confirms their decrees and publishes them as imperial law. And the ideology of the Byzantine empire - and Rome had been crowning some emperors in the west - it did not going to go against this notion that the emperor is a God-created, Christian rule over the over the world, and the emperor of Constantinople has worldwide authority. In documents of the council of 680-81, you'll even find God described as the co-ruler with the Byzantine emperor! And as late as 1400, the Byzantine empire was reduced to Constantinople itself and some certain small parts of Greece. When the tzar in Moscow declared that we have our church but not an empire the patriarch of Constantinople wrote, "Nonsense, of course we have an emperor. He may not be widely recognized, but he has God given authority over all Christians." 
But admittedly, now, this council of 869-70 - they buttressed that by stressing something that, I mean - it was an old idea, but it now receives a unique emphasis addressing the pentarchy, who were present at the council - the patriarch of Constantinople and legates from Rome and the three oriental patriarchates (Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria). And huge stress - this is repeatedly mentioned. Well, other councils, they like having representatives of the pentarchy. But it wasn't regarded even as essential. I mean the iconoclast council 754 didn't have any papal or oriental representatives, and that didn't worry people at the time. I mean later, of course, that council is rejected as heretical, but at the time, that was not felt an embarrassment. So it's a bit artificial - suddenly 669-70, to say, "Wonderful! The pentarchy - all five are in agreement." But that they used to bolster up the chief consideration, which was that this is an imperial council.

At minute mark 23:18, the interviewer asks, "It seems like the second council of Nicaea talks about the pentarchy as a standard for an ecumenical council. Could you briefly comment on that - does it present the pentarchy as a standard, or is it just kind of a misreading?" Price responds: 

It does. I mean, I can't say it offers a sort of general doctrine about the pentarchy, but it does repeatedly stress that there are the representatives of the five chief jurisdictions in the Christian church. And this is seen as, well, manifested. This is - it's not an unreasonable claim that they're ecumenistic. The way they still feel, it doesn't quite make up for a council, well, only attended between - most sessions between - 12 and 40 bishops. I mean, this is seems a bit a bit inadequate, but they they leap, grab onto the idea of the pentarchy in order to try and bolster up - they'll stir up - the claims.
At minute mark 26:44, Price says:
The council itself was absolutely dominated by the imperial officials representing the emperor - he himself only made one short appearance - and the Roman legates acting together. In fact, Ignatius is now the recently restored patriarch of Constantinople - though he's constantly referred to with honor, actually spoke very little. He was a bit kept to the side. So the council is in a way a triumph for Rome. 
And yet, the Roman legates were quite unhappy about several features of the council. They were shocked at the very first session, when they were asked to provide proof of their accreditation. "Were they real genuine and legates?" And they were appalled. They said, "No Roman legislative council has ever been asked to provide documentation of that kind." 
Now, more serious was the - later on in the council, the fourth session - when the imperial officials present demanded that Photius and the bishops who had supported him be given the opportunity to defend themselves. The Roman legates protested, "But they've already been condemned at the Roman synod of 863, and that's by the pope above all. And this judgment has been final and complete." It was an insult to the Roman see to say that a new trial was necessary. They agreed to allow Photius to appear before the council, but simply so that he would hear the Roman verdict read out to him. 
Well, the council proceeded, however, to carry out of a trial of Photius, and it concluded, fine - well the eighth session, and then formalized at the tenth session. Now, that formalization - the tenth session - they did say that "we are affirming and confirming the Roman verdict." But it doesn't change the fact that the church council judged itself competent to hear an appeal against a Roman sentence, with the implication that a ecumenical council was a higher court of judgment than the papacy or Roman council. And that was a claim which, since the time of Leo the Great, Rome had never accepted.
At minute mark 31:49, Price says:
I said already that Rome, in 870, did not formally approve the decisions of the council, and thereafter, it was forgotten, not surprisingly, until the famous investiture controversy of 11th to 12th centuries. Now, this is a bit of medieval church history most people know about: that the dispute was that when the bishop is appointed - now he holds lands, he has jurisdiction - and is at that point who is under the local ruler. Now, is he to be infested with his full episcopal authority by the local ruler or by a church body? Well, principally by the pope himself. And later too, this question, "Who actually chooses the bishop?" And what Rome wanted was, a bishop should make up both a fidelity to the ruler - as regards his lands, his sort of secular power - but in church matters he should remain fully autonomous. 
And now, it was the great Gregory VII, the great great champion of the church line on this, in about 1080, who - somebody must have - well perhaps he was learning, I don't know but somebody - certainly, he came across the acts of this council. And it was he who was the first person to call it the eighth ecumenical council. Now, this is because of the canons of the council. Now, sadly, because the council was so soon rejected in Byzantium, its canons never enter the eastern canonical tradition. But actually, I think, they are a rather impressive set of canons. I think they're better drawn up than those of Nicaea II or many of the Quinisext canons. But there it was - they never became part of the eastern tradition. 
But they were dug up, and, particularly, two canons in particular were singled out, now cited by Rome. One canon that says, "The elections of bishops by the suffrage and power of secular authority are no way to be accepted." This is because, you see - in fact, this is true of Ignatius, the first choice of Ignatius to be patriarch. Certainly true of when he was replaced by Photius. This is by imperial dictate. So this canon, you see, rules it out. 
And then there's another canon, 22: "The holy ecumenical council defines, lays down, proclaims that law, the promotion and consecration of bishops, takes place through an election and decision by the college of bishops, that no lay official or magnet should interfere with the election and promotion of a patriarch, metropolitan, or any bishop." Now, of course, that's interesting, because it extends - it's not just talking about the patriarch, it's talking about metropolitan bishops in charge of provinces, and diocese bishops. And clearly, it was quite common experience that that lay people would - lay magnets would - effectively dominate the election. So this clearly was already causing unease in Byzantium, though the fact that the emperor essentially chose the patriarch was a very well established tradition. But it's because of those two canons, I think, that Gregory VII wheeled out our council again, called it the eighth economical council, and, of course, it's enjoyed that status ever since.

At minute mark 36:09, the interviewer asks, "Did Photius die in the peace of the church, or was 869 just kind of the final way in the eyes of Rome that he was seen?" Price responds:

Well, I mean, obviously, John VIII - the council 879-80 - from their first appearance, the Roman legates treated Photius as patriarch. Now, they claimed that it was the Rome's decision to recognize him as patriarch that restored him - that he was, therefore, restored by the Rome's voice in 879 - to which the easterners of that council 879-80 said, "But, no, we've accepted him for years." they were not ready to recognize that Rome's voice made any change.

At minute mark 38:14, the interviewer asks, "I have one more question before I ask you for some concluding remarks. It's something that I just thought of as we were having this discussion here, and it's in reference to, I believe, canon 21 of 869. If I can ask a specific question about it, it has something very curious where it says, at the end of the canon, 'If, then, any ruler or second secular authority tries to expel the aforesaid pope or the apostolic see or any of the other patriarchs, let them be' - and then, here's the kicker, 'furthermore, if a universal synod is held and any question or controversy arises about the holy Roman church, it should make inquiries with proper reverence and respect about the question raised and should find a profitable solution. It must on no account pronounce sentence rashly against the supreme pontiffs of old Rome.' Well, my question here is, does this concede that well the pope can be judged but just not rashly?" Price responds:
Well, I know, you're right. I think this is a very striking. Because, you see, that this, of course, is a reference to the Photian council of 867 not long before that had condemned and declared the great pope Nicholas deposed and excommunicated. Of course, what Rome would have liked would be a canon that said, "The Roman pope cannot be condemned at, well, either by anybody or he certainly can't be condemned by an eastern council." But clearly the bishops and the government in Constantinople were not ready to concede that. So what they've put together is this canon - that is, he's not to be judged rashly - it's effectively resisting an adoption of the Roman position that nobody can sit in judgment on the pope, unless possibly a Roman council.

At minute mark 40:23, the interviewer asks, "It sure does seem that way. So I've heard - and correct me if I'm wrong - but I've heard that the context or the understanding of that was that the pope could be judged by a council, but only a council in communion with a later pope judging a previous pope. Is that correct, or is that inaccurate?" Price responds:

Well there's nothing of that in that canon.

At minute mark 42:34, Price says:
This council is very much - it's like many of the early economical councils: Chalcedon; Constantinople III and defining two wills and two operations in Christ; Nicaea II in defining that images are to be set up in churches and venerated. It's a case where Rome and the Byzantine church, at that point, is in - very much in - agreement. They meet together, and they're very happy to sign together authoritative definition. 
But, at the same time, there is no agreement as to where authority ultimately lies in the church. Now, Rome attends these councils because it would like to see orthodoxy dominating in the east. And the East is glad when Rome goes - is happy to collaborate - because they share interest in common Christian norms and rules and laws. So the sense of two both belonging - even after Rome set up at the western empire of the Franks - the sense that they belong still to this historical entity (the Roman empire, the Roman world) remains very strong. But, at the same time - and generally, ecumenical councils, yes. The two churches are - for a time, at least - are in agreement, in alliance. But where they never achieve a common understanding is over the question of where supreme authority lies in the church. 
I mean, go back to Chalcedon: pope Leo, of course, welcomed - well, after a bit - but he did then very formally support and right round supporting the definition of Chalcedon. But he always insisted his own tome was a document of even greater authority. And, you see, the council of 869-70, the Romans say, "Photius has already been deposed," and the Greeks said, "Well, he hasn't, actually. We've got to depose him before he's properly deposed." So that was a tension at this council: the Greeks wanting to have a formal trial and the Romans saying it's not necessary.
At minute mark 49:03, Price says:
Heretical writings get destroyed, but the writings were all thought - writers attacking, demolishing heretical writings survive. So you work from those, you see. But it's true, our knowledge of the past - we do not have - the documentation is not of a full or impartial record.
At minute mark 57:44, Price says:
Rome does not write right to Constantinople, saying "Marvelous, you're hearing a great ecumenical council, and I would request this, that, and the other. Rome says, "We have spoken, and the task of the council is to - the opportunity of the rest of the church to accept and acknowledge papal teaching." I mean, the same is true at Chalcedon.
At minute mark 1:01:29, the interviewer asks, "Does father Price believe that 879 wasn't fully accepted by Rome?" Price responds:
No. Well, in one way, not fully. I've never - the work of 879-80 was fairly slight. I mean, essentially, it's simply recognizing Photius as patriarch and condemning those in the east who were still denying his authority. And, of course, Rome agreed with that. But Rome had itself spoken on this matter, you see. The legates arrived from Rome at 879 saying, "The matter's been resolved, that the pope accepts Photius, that this is the decisive judgment," you see. So in Roman eyes, the council of 879-80 adds nothing. It represents the East accepting with gratitude the Roman judgment. Of course, the East said, "No, we aren't accepting the Roman judgment, and we're going by our own judgement, and fortunately, Rome has finally got around to agreeing with us." So, no, Rome had no reason to attach a status to that council.
And one that is I just discovered - looking at the acts of 879-80, at all sessions. It starts off with Photius being described as the president of the council. And he is named before the Roman legates. Now, in all earlier councils the only president was the emperor, and when he attended, he presided. He was formally called the president. And when he wasn't present, there was a pecking order for bishops. And the list, you know, councils attended by, and then, of course, the senior bishops who come - legates will come first. But the term president was reserved to the emperor. And then, standard at all these councils: when you have the list of the people who approve the decrees, the person who will come at the top - you have the papal legates. And then you have the patriarch of Constantinople, and then the other patriarchs or legates from abroad. But in this acts of this council, Photius' name always precedes that of the papal legates. Now, you know, so, no, it's not a council that Rome can really look at with much satisfaction.
At minute mark 1:07:13, the interviewer asks, "I wonder if that's evidence against conciliar fundamentalism: the idea that everything - even in the acts - is infallible. I believe that's the term you've used?" Price responds:
Yeah, oh, absolutely, yes, indeed: that they're a record to be used with an awareness that they're rather curious. Is there a bit of a halfway house? I mean, they weren't widely circulated. They are an official record, but yet they are a selective record - propaganda, in that sense. But propaganda is not widely circulated. I've been working at job called conciliar synopsis, which are accounts that go through all the councils. You know, from Nicaea down to Nicaea II, and give you information about everyone. Virtually none of them show knowledge of the conciliar acts that I've been studying. They just were not generally available, were not studied, were not read. So they're rather curious, as some form of document. And you can understand why other councils earlier or later - or, of course, all the local councils - did not issue comparable records.

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Conversations in Theology 18 Jul 2024 9:19 PM (9 months ago)

In the past few years, I've taken part in a few conversations in theology on Puritanboard. At some point, I had thought I might edit each conversation to be more readable as a blog post. Life, my thoughts, and reading habits tend to move too rapidly for that to happen, though, so any polish I plan to add to those conversations will have to wait until and unless I synthesize them in a future book. Instead, I'll simply link to several of them - some of which also have further links I will leave to the reader to decide if they are worth the time - and provide a brief synopsis of some content covered. I also group multiple threads under similar topics:

Is Studying EO Worth It? If So, How? - when is it worth investing time in studying EO? How should one go about it if it is worth it?

Person/Nature Distinction - what is the distinction, and why is it useful to know?

What is Nestorianism? - and who is one?

Van Til and "Common Ground" - what "common ground" did Van Til think there was between believers and unbelievers? Mathison's posts are worth reading.

The Authority of Scripture - what does this entail? Does the Bible legitimate exercise of authority that is not explicitly found in the Bible (like when I tell my son to go to bed)?

Chalcedonian Christology - a question on enhypostasis and immutability

Ignatius - how should a Protestant understand references to an episcopate?

Deification - what is the Eastern Orthodox understanding of deification (theosis); how does it differ from sanctification in Reformed theology; a discussion of the Eastern Orthodox conception of the essence-energies distinction and apophaticism; a comparison of Eastern Orthodoxy and Reformed theology on the doctrine of God.

Narrative Apologetics - what is narrative apologetics; archetypal and ectypal storytelling (and storytellers); the meaning of the "word" of God.

Charles Hodge - the ground of the imputation of righteousness for which we are justified is union with Christ; debate with Matthew Winzer.

Original Sin and Apologetics - initial focus is on Eastern Orthodoxy and original sin; what to keep in mind when doing apologetics against Eastern Orthodoxy, with an emphasis on the early church; discussion pivots to a defense of the Reformed-realist view of original sin; debate with Matthew Winzer (cf. link and link for more conversations and debates on the realist view).

The Historical, Reformed View of Original Sin - what did the Reformers believe about original sin; reatus poena vs. reatus culpa; my defense of John Murray as correctly depicting the Reformed view against Charles Hodge; debate with Matthew Winzer (I expanded on this and the preceding link in a separate blog post).

Gordon Clark - an exposition of Clark's thought (with reference to unpublished material); critique of Clark as well as his 1940s interlocutors on alethiology and metaphysics; discussion of natural theology, univocal knowledge, Creator-creature distinction, a two-fold theory of truth, theology proper, and the historicity and [ir]relevance of certain theological terms to the 1940s debate; clarification of Clark's view and debate with various posters and interaction with Reformed authors who disagree with Clark; brief excuses on the realist view of original sin.

Presuppositionalism - the meaning of presuppositions and foundations; the scope of human understanding; apologetics.

Divine Simplicity - what is divine simplicity (cf. link); historical models allowable within Reformed theology; critique of Dolezal and Thomistic models (cf. link); tentative acceptance of Scotist model (formally distinct divine attributes).

Epistemology, Apologetics, and Full Assurance - varieties of presuppositionalism (cf. link); articulation and argumentation (cf. link for a conversation with more detail on epistemology and link for a recommendation to keep real-world apologetics concrete).

Images of God - symbols of the Trinity, words, and the 10 commandments.

The Covenant of Works - counter-factual reasoning, speculation, and underdetermination; eschatology; denial of felix culpa.

Imputation and Atonement - why pecuniary atonement and imputation of sin to Christ are wrong (cf. link); the nature of faith and infant salvation; the difference in meaning between the intent, application, and nature of Christ's sacrifice (cf. link and link). 

Aimee Byrd - a caution for when and how to properly engage and label heretics.

Free will - definitions (cf. link); Gordon Clark's view.

Emotions - prelapsarianism; morality; Gordon Clark's view.

Reformed voluntarism - problems with the extremities of absolute divine voluntarism and necessitarianism.

Dyothelitism - subjects and natures; minds and wills; Christology.

Seminaries and Church Oversight - why aren't seminaries under church oversight if they serve an ecclesiastic function; practical vs. a priori reasoning.

Textual criticism - its relation to epistemology, apologetics, and assurance (cf. link).

Creation - [scientific] assumptions of effect-to-cause reasoning; analogies to other miracles; discussion on alethiology.

Imputation - this includes discussion of the nature, intent, and application of the atonement (cf. link, link).

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Simple Gospel, Solid Ground 28 Jun 2024 10:18 PM (10 months ago)

I've argued that "the historian is an apologist" (link), but it must also be true that the apologist is an historian - for if, as I've argued, "one cannot divorce Christianity from history," any defense of or attack on Christianity will entail a defense of or attack on a particular view of history. Simple examples would include that a Christian must defend the past historicity of the resurrection (1 Corinthians 15), the prophetic historicity of the final judgment (Revelation 20ff.), and so forth.

My interest in the history of the Orthodox Presbyterian church - of which I am a member - was kindled last year, and I am surprised how quickly that interest has enflamed into an attempt to more broadly understand post-apostolic Christianity. I'm only aware of Gavin Ortlund (link), Jason Engwer (link), Turretinfan (link), William Webster and David T. King (link), and a few other Protestants here or there who accessibly yet seriously engage church history. As usual, this probably speaks to my own limitations.

Now, while I would generally recommend these Protestant resources, I actually have not spent a dedicated amount of time listening to or reading them. One reason is that I think Protestants such as myself are better off asking question in and learning from the shepherds in local churches. Relationships, friends, and confidants are made in the real world. 

A second reason is that I like apologetic "shortcuts" in the sense that even if I mastered all the material put out by these or other Protestants, it wouldn't make much practical difference if I were to discover that non-Protestants raise concerns or ask questions which these Protestants don't cover. That is, doesn't it make sense for Protestants who are interested in the defensibility of Protestantism to read non-Protestants for a sense of what are regarded as problematic barriers to entry?

Well, I think the answer to this question is: it depends. A few weeks ago, I was speaking to a younger man after evening service, a man who is in the process of deciding which local church to join. I believe he is in his 20s. Our conversation spanned many topics, and at some point - speaking of "barriers to entry" - I mentioned that I had done some recent research into Eastern Orthodoxy and their apologists for reasons mentioned in this post.

He responded with more wisdom and boldness than is typical for someone his age. It was something to the following effect: "be mindful of how much you listen to their apologists; you might find yourself allured to or sympathizing with them." At this, I smiled. His concern (and other remarks he made in the course of our discussion) led me to complementing him on being very measured. His advice is sound!

James 1:2-8 Count it all joy, my brothers, when you meet trials of various kinds, for you know that the testing of your faith produces steadfastness. And let steadfastness have its full effect, that you may be perfect and complete, lacking in nothing. If any of you lacks wisdom, let him ask God, who gives generously to all without reproach, and it will be given him. But let him ask in faith, with no doubting, for the one who doubts is like a wave of the sea that is driven and tossed by the wind. For that person must not suppose that he will receive anything from the Lord; he is a double-minded man, unstable in all his ways.

The young man was implicitly advising that I ensure that I am steadfast in the faith before encountering teachers who might otherwise toss me in[to] doubt. Likewise:

Colossians 1:22-23 he has now reconciled in his body of flesh by his death, in order to present you holy and blameless and above reproach before him, if indeed you continue in the faith, stable and steadfast, not shifting from the hope of the gospel that you heard...

2 Timothy 3:15 and how from childhood you have been acquainted with the sacred writings, which are able to make you wise for salvation through faith in Christ Jesus.

As a happy, blessed, and new father, I will not raise my child with an intention to expose him to false teachers (even for pedagogical purposes). Of course, I will point out false teachings, and there will come a time at which my son must become mature enough to hear and refute false teachers, but I am reminded of J. Gresham Machen's remark that the best way to spot a counterfeit is by having acquaintance with that which is authentic or true. 

For Protestants who consider themselves open to the possibility that Protestantism is false, I think that evidences a need to prioritize the shoring up of their faith. Such persons are not better off listening to false teachers, especially not those who pretend that one can more or less evaluate worldviews "neutrally" (link). By God's grace, I don't have any doubts about the truth of Protestantism, but this is not to say I think there is anything shameful in recognizing that one is at a stage in sanctification in which he is more benefitted from learning truth than in applying said truths to refute error. The former recognition is wisdom too.

With these caveats in mind, I sincerely believe that Protestants who truly understand sola scriptura and the weakness of arguments against it have nothing to fear in reading church history. In fact, more Protestant apologists are needed in this arena, for as I've listened to various non-Protestant groups (e.g. Oriental Orthodox, Assyrian, Eastern Orthodox, Roman Catholicism), it is here that much interaction seems to be taking place. Lord willing, I plan to write more about this, for it is fascinating that those who oppose sola scriptura experience more disagreement about the contents and perspicuity of post-apologetic, so-called "infallible" authorities (cf. here and here), sometimes even within their own traditions.

But the advice of the young man remains: Christians must first learn from and be rooted in faith in God's word. Of course, God's word is taught and preached. Christians come to know this word by various, God-ordained means. But ultimately, because the Word of God is truth (John 14:6) and light (John 1:9), His words are light from light and give light: the sum of God's word is truth (Psalm 119), and by Him and it we are sanctified (John 17:17). Simply put, one ought to be solidly grounded in God's word before it is advisable to listen to the testimonies of others:

1 John 5:9 If we receive the testimony of men, the testimony of God is greater, for this is the testimony of God that he has borne concerning his Son.

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Eastern Orthodoxy, Original Sin, Normative Authority, and Epistemology 4 Jun 2024 3:52 PM (11 months ago)

I'm struck by how incautious authorities within Eastern Orthodoxy can be regarding the significance of original sin. As one example, in a video posted recently, Eastern Orthodox bishop Irenei of London & Western Europe said (link): 

We are born spotless. There is no human ever ever born sinful, as if he were already a sinner by virtue of his constitution. God does not create like this, and every human being is born pure as Adam was fashioned pure. Yet we are touched by sin from the very beginning. By the time we open our eyes to the world, the sinfulness of the world is already having an impact on us.
He borders on suggesting that original sin merely refers to Adam's progeny having to be born into a corrupted, external world. Agreements and disagreements with this very sentiment emerged in the comments. Now, as I already noted in a recent post that there appears to be an intramural debate within Eastern Orthodoxy on this point (link), I'm not surprised. 

But given their commitments to conciliarism - I'll return to this point later - the most "consistent" of Eastern Orthodox apologists will verbally state some kind of acceptance of original sin. But because they reject original guilt, I infer that laymen and even bishops will sometimes mistakenly reject any version of original sin. In a note in Michael Pomazansky's Orthodox Dogmatic Theology, we read:
Some Orthodox Christians have mistakenly defended the Augustinian notion of "original guilt" — that is, that all men have inherited the guilt of Adam's sin — and others, going to the opposite extreme, have denied altogether the inheritance of sinfulness from Adam. Fr. Michael rightly points out, in his balanced presentation, that from Adam we have indeed inherited our tendency towards sin, together with the death and corruption that are now part of our sinful nature, but we have not inherited the guilt of Adam's personal sin.
My own explanation for this is alluded to in an earlier post and more clearly outlined on pages 125ff. of Andrew Louth's defense of EO in Original Sin and the Fall: Five Views, which reads as follows:
The doctrine of the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary is not accepted by the Orthodox Church. Yet, as Meyendorff has observed, “the Mariological piety of the Byzantines would probably have led them to accept the definition of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary as it was defined in 1854, if only they had shared the Western doctrine of original sin.” But exempting the Virgin Mary from original sin must mean exempting her from the effects of the fall; in some way she is separated from the rest of the human race, who experience the fallen state through participating in (being guilty of) original sin. Paintings of the immaculate conception, depicting the Virgin Mary raised up, on the moon, or borne up by putti, seem to emphasize her separation from the rest of humanity. In contrast, the Byzantine liturgical texts (though plundered for the Latin feast of the immaculate conception) see Mary as part of humanity, in particular the crowning glory of the Old Testament church, emphasizing that she belongs to the Jewish race: “the beauty of Jacob,” as she is called in one of the liturgical hymns. Although confessed as sinless, the Virgin is not regarded as exempt from the consequences of sin. She lived in a sinful world and suffered temptation as we all do. For if her Son was “tested as we are, yet without sin” (Heb 4:15), she can hardly have been exempt. Maybe here original sin meets its reductio ad adsurdum, if it means that the Savior and his mother must be considered free from original sin, for they were not exempt from the struggle against temptation that is part of the fallen human lot.
Louth is rejecting the Augustinian understanding of original sin insofar as it entails original guilt, not original sin as such (he prefers the terminology of "ancestral" sin, as do some others within Eastern Orthodoxy). Now, I believe Louth is mistaken insofar as it is my understanding that Eastern Orthodoxy exempts Christ from the effects of original sin. 

Leaving that aside, though, he is correct about Mary: original guilt would mean that Mary was guilty. So when someone like Michael Pomazansky says, "The Most Holy Virgin was born as subject to the sin of Adam together with all mankind, and with him she shared the need for redemption," what he means is not that Mary was guilty before God - on Eastern Orthodoxy, that would only be the case if her own actions were sinful - but that Adam's sins have conveyed negative consequences (e.g. mortality, passions) to all Adam's progeny except Christ and from which they are in need of "salvation."

Eastern Orthodox apologists whom I have read or listened to who try to accept original guilt within their larger framework - and I've seen a few try it - all fail to engage this point on Mary. For just one example, see here for an unsuccessful attempt to interact with Augustine's use of particular, Latin terms with which at least one interlocutor, host Craig Truglia, was admittedly (and obviously) unfamiliar. Both apologists seemed unaware of Augustine's acceptance of reatus culpa when they tried to suggest he agreed with their view, which would be odd except that the apologist who noted this terminology admitted he failed to read the whole article from which he learned of it in the first place (see below)! This is a textbook example of a little knowledge being a dangerous thing. They also reference Pomazansky, but they made no mention of what I quote from him above, let alone show awareness of the implications any of this has for their Mariology. 

Now, I've argued other grounds why I think rejection of original guilt (particularly, reatus culpa) is problematic, some of which I'll touch on again momentarily. These problems are not only for Eastern Orthodoxy (example) but certainly include it.

But I'll also use this occasion to discuss "normative authority," a concept Eastern Orthodox apologists sometimes argue is an advantage they have over against Protestantism. In this context, Orthodox apologists usually emphasize church councils and synods. Commonly, this is framed in terms such as who decides interpretations of Scripture that are "binding."

For starters, it seems obvious enough that even a bishop can make mistakes. Many Eastern Orthodox believers seem comfortable enough to admit this is the case with Irenei and to thereby reject that any authority he possesses is sufficient to "bind" them to his teaching in the above video. So let's look at a confession produced by the Synod of Jerusalem (1672). Here is what the Confession of Dositheus says on the topic of original sin:
We believe Holy Baptism, which was instituted by the Lord, and is conferred in the name of the Holy Trinity, to be of the highest necessity. For without it none is able to be saved, as the Lord says, “Whoever is not born of water and of the Spirit, shall in no way enter into the Kingdom of the Heavens.” {John 3:5} And, therefore, baptism is necessary even for infants, since they also are subject to original sin, and without Baptism are not able to obtain its remission. Which the Lord showed when he said, not of some only, but simply and absolutely, “Whoever is not born [again],” which is the same as saying, “All that after the coming of Christ the Savior would enter into the Kingdom of the Heavens must be regenerated.” And since infants are men, and as such need salvation, needing salvation they need also Baptism. And those that are not regenerated, since they have not received the remission of hereditary sin, are, of necessity, subject to eternal punishment, and consequently cannot without Baptism be saved. So that even infants should, of necessity, be baptized. Moreover, infants are saved, as is said in Matthew;{Matthew 19:12} but he that is not baptized is not saved. And consequently even infants must of necessity be baptized. (The Confession of Dositheus, Decree 16)

Perry Robinson, a prominent Orthodox apologist, has written that this synodical document is one to which Eastern Orthodox believers "must adhere" (link):

Next Hank talks of the Confession of Dositheus as an “Orthodox writing.” Well, its more than just a “writing.” It is a synodally affirmed document and one that anathematizes Protestantism, to which Hank must adhere. So here it seems Hank is trying to play down its significance. Maybe he missed its synodal standing when he read Bp. Ware’s book, The Orthodox Church?
On the other hand, Robinson also intimates this synod itself was not infallible and that is not as authoritative as others synods or councils (link):
If the council were ecumenical then it would be infallible. I would think that Catholics would agree that local synods aren’t necessarily infallible. I would also think that Catholics would agree that there are degrees of authority and means for expressing them. While it is true that councils a step down from ecumenical councils hold authority, it doesn’t follow that they bind equally. This is uncontroversial for Catholics so I don’t know on what grounds you are pressing it as some kind of problem for Orthodox ecclesiology.
This is difficult to decipher. Does Robinson think one "must adhere" to a document which contains errors? Or is Robinson suggesting that the document is a fallible yet true and [subordinately?] authoritative product? Or is Robinson suggesting we can filter out false statements from true ones within this [subordinately?] authoritative product, or that only the true statements are [subordinately?] authoritative? These are questions any Eastern Orthodox apologist will need to answer. 

If Decree 16 of the Confession of Dositheus is binding, then Eastern Orthodox believers are bound to believe that infants are subject to eternal punishment. But if they reject original guilt - that infants are guilty of sin - such punishment is unjust. It would be most amusing if the charges of nominalism and voluntarism one often hears Eastern Orthodox apologists level against Reformed theology are actually applicable to their views.

If Decree 16 of the Confession of Dositheus is not binding, how is an Eastern Orthodox believer able to determine:
i) which synods or councils (or decrees, canons, or products thereof) are binding and which are not (e.g. Palamite synods)?; 

ii) what is the meaning and/or to what "degree" is a synod or council "binding" (which seems to suggest lower and higher rules of faith)?; 

iii) answers to i) and ii) in such a way that Protestants cannot make an analogous case for sola scriptura?
Take another example. The recent Council of Crete (2016) might lead one to think that the Synod of Jerusalem and Confession of Dositheus is binding:
3. The Orthodox Church, in her unity and catholicity, is the Church of Councils, from the Apostolic Council in Jerusalem (Acts 15.5-29) to the present day. The Church in herself is a Council, established by Christ and guided by the Holy Spirit, in accord with the apostolic words: “It seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us” (Acts 15.28). Through the Ecumenical and Local councils, the Church has proclaimed and continues to proclaim the mystery of the Holy Trinity, revealed through the incarnation of the Son and Word of God. The Conciliar work continues uninterrupted in history through the later councils of universal authority, such as, for example, the Great Council (879-880) convened at the time of St. Photios the Great, Patriarch of Constantinople, and also the Great Councils convened at the time of St. Gregory Palamas (1341, 1351, 1368), through which the same truth of faith was confirmed, most especially as concerns the procession of the Holy Spirit and as concerns the participation of human beings in the uncreated divine energies, and furthermore through the Holy and Great Councils convened in Constantinople, in 1484 to refute the unionist Council of Florence (1438-1439), in 1638, 1642, 1672 and 1691 to refute Protestant beliefs, and in 1872 to condemn ethno-phyletism as an ecclesiological heresy.
Note also that the Council of Crete declares itself to have been given by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit:
With a hymn of thanksgiving, we praise and worship God in Trinity, who has enabled us to gather together during the days of the feast of Pentecost here on the island of Crete, which has been sanctified by St. Paul, the Apostle to the Gentiles, and his disciple Titus, his “true son in the common faith” (Tit 1.4), and, by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, to conclude the sessions of this Holy and Great Council of our Orthodox Church – convened by His All-Holiness Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew, by the common will of Their Beatitudes the Primates of the most holy Orthodox Churches – for the glory of His most holy Name and for the great blessing of His people and of the whole world, confessing with the divine Paul: “Let people then regard us thus: as servants of Christ and stewards of the mysteries of God” (1 Cor 4.1).
Through a spokesman, the ecumenical patriarch of Constantinople further declared that the Council of Crete is "binding" (link). Is this, then, an open and shut case that the Synod of Jerusalem (and Confession of Dositheus) is binding? 

Not quite! Four Eastern Orthodox churches - representing a significant percentage of the worldwide population of Eastern Orthodoxy - declined to participate in the Council of Crete. Several of these churches (e.g. Antioch) convened synods in which they stated that the Council of Crete is not binding. But since then, the ecumenical patriarch wrote a letter of admonishment (link) in which he reaffirmed "the binding nature of its documents for all the Orthodox faithful, clergy and lay..."

If I'm Eastern Orthodox, who am I supposed to believe, and why am I supposed to believe them? Are Eastern Orthodox apologists left with "private judgment" as they themselves have constructed the concept when straw-manning Protestantism (regarding which I've always found this post by Steve Hays to be helpful - see more below)? If not, what criteria are supposed to be applied, and - just as importantly - on what normative and/or epistemic grounds in said criteria used? 

Robinson's once theorized answer of pentarchical ratification was critiqued long ago by Steve Hays (link, link, link, link, link). There's no need for me to repeat Hays' points, especially as it seems quite a few other Eastern Orthodox apologists have shied away from Robinson's theory (exampleexampleexample) in favor of different forms of the very "receptionism" view that Robinson suspects is due to a reliance on "pop-Orthodox" works. 

Several of these other apologists explicitly embrace circularity. If this sounds Van Tilian, it's because they have either implicitly or even explicitly borrowed from him and, therefore, are susceptible to points a foundationalist - such as myself - make (link).

These apologists also tend to conflate performative contradictions (e.g. you can't perform an apologetic against language or logic without using language and logic) with the structure of epistemic justification, as if apologetic circularity somehow entails justificatory circularity. 

Further, these apologists attempt to leverage this bait-and-switch by begging the question, analogizing an internal contradiction inherent in concrete examples of performative contradictions to an alleged internal contradiction if one rejects their particular "paradigm" of circularity. When it is pointed out to them that anyone can make an assertion such as "my circle is good and yours isn't" (do they think that claim is also "justified" circularly?) they completely fail to recognize that the way in which they typically respond to it - which is to admit the point and pivot to apologetics - is equally available to foundationalists who encounter objections on the grounds that anyone can assert their foundation is self-justifying. They further fail to address problems with a coherentist structure of justification, which I've critiqued elsewhere (link).

Now, all Eastern Orthodox receptionists will need to answer whether there are any authorities in any situations in which one may instantly know they are speaking infallibly. 

1a. If so, which and why? In one example I link to above, an Eastern Orthodox apologist appeals to the remarks of a fallible bishop to prop up his entire receptionist criteria. Talk about a fallible list of infallible "books"!

1b. Or if the Eastern Orthodox apologists will attempt to borrow still more from, say, a presuppositionalist such as myself and claim that one can know such foundationally, these apologists will have abandoned receptionism as meaningfully distinct from the Protestant doctrine of the self-authenticity of divine revelation, the usual arguments one encounters against sola scriptura, and any pretense that their position is advantageous with respect to Protestantism. In fact, they will have the harder responsibility of reconciling conciliar promulgations with their larger "paradigm," on which see more below. These apologists would also need to answer whether one may know that the eighth "ecumenical" council and Palamite councils are infallible, on which I believe there is some question within Eastern Orthodoxy.

2. If not - if "reception" is a condition for knowledge which takes time - then not only will these apologists face questions regarding what "reception" entails (what are the criteria and why?) but also the following question: for one who hears the words of a council before such time as it may be "received," is the hearer obligated to accept the promulgations of said council at the time he heard it or not? If he is not obligated, then it would appear that normative authority actually rests in whatever are the criteria for "reception." If he is obligated, then one is obligated to accept that which might be damnably false. And for those apologists who would argue ad hoc that a hearer is only obliged if the council is true and will be received (despite the fact the hearer doesn't know it at the time), they will be placing hearer of Councils in an epistemic dilemma: if they accept the council, they risk believing damnable error; if they reject or refrain from belief in the council, they risk rejecting or refraining from belief in that which is obligatory. Take, for example, the so-called "robber" council of Ephesus.

The Orthodox view of "normative authority" is not as perspicuous as their apologists project, let alone their claim that it advantages them in contrast to Protestantism. The reverse seems to be the case.

[Side note before proceeding: keeping in mind these criticisms, given that Eastern Orthodoxy would seem to view the second council of Nicaea in 787 as ecumenical and infallible, at the very least, Eastern Orthodoxy seems committed to accepting a doctrine of original sin. To understand why this is the case, take Canon 110 of the Council of Carthage (419), which states:

Likewise it seemed good that whosoever denies that infants newly from their mother's wombs should be baptized, or says that baptism is for remission of sins, but that they derive from Adam no original sin, which needs to be removed by the laver of regeneration, from whence the conclusion follows, that in them the form of baptism for the remission of sins, is to be understood as false and not true, let him be anathema.

For no otherwise can be understood what the Apostle says, By one man sin has come into the world, and death through sin, and so death passed upon all men in that all have sinned, than the Catholic Church everywhere diffused has always understood it. For on account of this rule of faith (regulam fidei) even infants, who could have committed as yet no sins themselves, therefore are truly baptized for the remission of sins, in order that what in them is the result of generation may be cleansed by regeneration.

This council was accepted by the Council of Trullo (Canon 2). In turn, the Council of Trullo (otherwise known as the Quinisext Council) was ratified at the second council of Nicaea - the so-called seventh "ecumenical" council - as having been adopted at the sixth "ecumenical" council:

[After a number of other quotations, was read the Canon of the Council in Trullo as a canon of the Sixth Synod (col. 233).]

Tarasius, the most holy Patriarch said: There are certain affected with the sickness of ignorance who are scandalized by these canons [viz. of the Trullan Synod] and say, And do you really think they were adopted at the Sixth Synod? Now let all such know that the holy great Sixth Synod was assembled at Constantinople concerning those who said that there was but one energy and will in Christ. These anathematized the heretics, and having expounded the orthodox faith, they went to their homes in the fourteenth year of Constantine. But after four or five years the same fathers came together under Justinian, the son of Constantine, and set forth the before-mentioned canons. And let no one doubt concerning them. For they who subscribed under Constantine were the same as they who under Justinian signed the present chart, as can manifestly be established from the unchangeable similarity of their own handwriting. For it was right that they who had appeared at an ecumenical synod should also set forth ecclesiastical canons. They said that we should be led as (by the hand) by the venerable images to the recollection of the incarnation of Christ and of his saving death, and if by them we are led to the realization of the incarnation of Christ our God, what sort of an opinion shall we have of them who break down the venerable images? (link)

See also the part in bold from Canon 1 of this council which indirectly references the Council of Trullo:

Seeing these things are so, being thus well-testified unto us, we rejoice over them as he that has found great spoil, and press to our bosom with gladness the divine canons, holding fast all the precepts of the same, complete and without change, whether they have been set forth by the holy trumpets of the Spirit, the renowned Apostles, or by the Six Ecumenical Councils, or by Councils locally assembled for promulgating the decrees of the said Ecumenical Councils, or by our holy Fathers. For all these, being illumined by the same Spirit, defined such things as were expedient. Accordingly those whom they placed under anathema, we likewise anathematize; those whom they deposed, we also depose; those whom they excommunicated, we also excommunicate; and those whom they delivered over to punishment, we subject to the same penalty. (link)

I'm approaching this topic from the perspective of a Protestant who aims to provide an internal critique. Roman Catholics might object to Eastern Orthodoxy on external grounds, as they reject the Council of Trullo. Interested readers can see here for more on that question.

But even granting Eastern Orthodox assumptions, irrespective of their view of the Confession of Dositheus, the foregoing appears to show that Eastern Orthodox apologists ought to accept that infants have sin in need of remission.

On this note, quoting Against Julian (link), Daniel Castellano - a Roman Catholic who is referenced by the pair of apologists I mentioned above who tried to harmonize original guilt with Eastern Orthodoxy - renders a convincing case that Augustine, who was present at the Council of Carthage in 419 and whose theology would seem to provide context to the meaning of "remission" in Canon 110, grounded liability to punishment in culpability:

In this life, even the baptized are subjected to evils, so one can hardly avoid the fact that humans are born under a yoke of affliction. Yet if God is just, there must be in infants guilt (culpam) deserving such punishment (poenam) (Ibid., VI, x, 31) Here, for the first time, St. Augustine clearly says there is culpa in infants, as opposed to mere reatus. He does this on the basis that justice demands there be some culpa for every poena. Yet the culpa that is in infants, we have just seen, is not their own by action, but Adam’s. It is theirs only by contagion. It is only after making this distinction that St. Augustine dares to ascribe culpa rather than reatus to the descendants of Adam.

The Apostle unequivocally teaches that we are all condemned in our nature: We were by nature children of wrath, even as the rest. [Eph. 2:3] (Ibid., VI, x, 33) This indicates that the reatus is in our nature, and at least suggests that the culpa may be in there also.

St. Augustine finally offers an explanation of how we are all culpable for Adam’s sin toward the end of Contra Iulianum. While expounding in whom all have sinned, he notes that Julian, who accepted the Latin rendering, interpreted it differently as because of whom all have sinned. (Ibid., VI, xxiv, 75) St. Augustine counters that a man does not commit personal sin because of Adam’s sin, but for some immediate cause; e.g., a murderer kills because he wants gold; Cain killed because he envied his brother. Rather, the Apostle means that all men have sinned by way of origin in one man, as it were in common, in the oneness of the mass. (Loc. cit.)

This is a sufficiently important expression that we should parse the Latin. In context, Julian denies the verse should be understood thus, so we discard the negative and the main clause, leaving: in uno homine omnes homines peccasse… originaliter, et tamquam in massae unione communiter. The first unusual word is originaliter, an adverbial form of ‘origin,’ so it modifies the verb. Thus we sinned by our origin. In other words, we have sinned by virtue of our descent from Adam. How can this be so? A second adverb is added, communiter. That is to say, we sinned jointly in the unity of the mass.

This need not mean that each of us was personally present in germine when Adam sinned. Rather, when Adam sinned, the human race sinned, for he and his wife were the human race. Since all partake of the same corrupted nature, we all sin jointly, not at some moment near the dawn of creation, but throughout all history on earth. St. Augustine is asserting a continuous solidarity of the human race in its corrupted nature. Indeed, such a solidarity is presupposed by any sensible interpretation of Christ’s redemptive act. The only innovation here is using that solidarity to express how the culpa for original sin is shared by the whole human race.

To uphold the view that all have sinned by our origin from Adam, it is necessary to refute Julian’s view that the Apostle is speaking only of our personal sins:
…if the Apostle had been talking about the imitation of sin, it would have been more fitting to say that sin passed to all men because there had first been Adam’s example, and he would have added that it passed to all men in that all have sinned by imitation of that one man. (Ibid., VI, xxiv, 77)

Julian complained that if the Apostle meant what Augustine says, he would have stated it more explicitly. The response above shows that what’s good for the goose is good for the gander. St. Paul was not writing for Julian or Augustine, so we should not expect either doctrine to be stated explicitly. Instead we should look to his context.

The context of Romans 5:12, repeated throughout the passage, is that through one man the wrath of God fell upon human race, and through another man the reconciliation of the human race with God was achieved. St. Augustine repeatedly cites Romans (as any reader can glean for himself) to prove that all, not just many, are said to be condemned in Adam and delivered in Christ. Once this is conceded, it must be acknowledged that this includes infants without personal sin, which leaves only original sin by which we are condemned.

More generally, he shows that it is consistent with reason, revelation, and justice that we have the culpa of Adam in us. He does not prove, however, that this really must be the case. The Orthodox, among others, would object to this strange way of speaking, where we are guilty of a sin that we did not commit in act.

A fitting conclusion given that the Eastern Orthodox apologist who cited Castellano has since defected to Roman Catholicism, a predictable outcome given that Augustine's doctrine of original guilt is incompatible with Eastern Orthodoxy's Mariology - her being subject to punishment for sin for which she is "culpable."

For the fuller context of Augustine's remarks, read Against Julian here.]

Turning to Protestantism, I came across a video in which Robinson lodged objections against sola scriptura. What I found to be the most interesting part of the video is Robinson's reference to former sparring partner, Steve Hays of Triablogue - particularly, his reference to Hays' response to Robinson on the question of "sola" vs. "solo" scriptura (link). Robinson alludes to future videos in which he will interact with Steve's thought, although that was some time ago. When and if he does, I hope he does a better job of representing Hays. Robinson says:
The first thing to note is that Hays agrees with me that the sola-solo description that Mathison puts out (posits) is untenable, right. And Hays essentially admits that my argument is successful - in not so many words, but that's pretty much what it ends up being. And so he constructs an idiosyncratic position - basically a kind of solo biblicist position - and he then reduces normativity to being accurate, to being truthful. So all that matters is that an interpretation is true, and so there really are no secondary authorities. You're not obligated to follow the Westminster Confession or anything else - only insofar as you judge it to be true. So in this way, he's essentially capitulating and rejecting the traditional, Reformed position. 

Now, if your response to my argument - the only way you can get out of it - is to say "well, the Reformed position is wrong," and "I'm going to take this other position," and "hahaha you can't touch me here, the argument doesn't touch me there," well, you've admitted that my argument is successful against the Reformed position. And if you have to excise yourself out of the Reformed position, that's a win as far as I'm concerned.

Of course, people largely "follow" whatever they "judge" to be true. But that's descriptive, not prescriptive. And that description applies just as much to someone like Robinson as it does to Hays (link). 

What, then, by way of prescription? I doubt Robinson agrees with Hays' alternative to Mathison's framework (link; link) - and I missed why Robinson does not consider Hays' position to count as within the purview of the Reformed tradition - so it would have been useful for Robinson to have responded to the following question by Hays: 

Suppose Perry uses ecumenical councils as his benchmark. If so, doesn't that just push the question back a step? By what authority does Perry determine which candidates for ecumenical councils are legitimate?

Does this suggest Hays' position entails oneself as a so-called "final authority," as Robinson states in the video? No. It's a solid, internal critique of Robinson's view. To the extent Robinson pushes back that he is not acting authoritatively, such an answer will be analogously available to Protestants regarding sola scriptura

Further, anyone who reads Hays' article can see that Robinson's above summary misstates Hays' position. Contra Robinson, Hays did not suggest that one is [only] obligated to follow what one "judges" to be true. Steve clearly writes: "We are obligated to believe a true interpretation of Scripture, whether or not we perceive it to be true." 

We might approach the distinction between authority and epistemology from another angle. To what extent the following would intersect with Hays' position is unclear, but contrary to the existentialist philosophy which saturates contemporary American culture, humans exist relationally: family, state, and church structures are hierarchical. As such, each structure has authoritative heads (link).

What does this mean? Well, an earthly father has "authority" over his household. He is the head responsible for the children within his house: for instructing his children, nourishing his children, protecting his children, raising his children, and, when appropriate, disciplining his children. If the child's father commands them to do their homework, eat their vegetables, or go to sleep, the child is bound or obligated to obey.

Likewise, a spiritual father has "authority" over his household. He is the head responsible for the children within his house: for instructing his children, nourishing his children, protecting his children, raising his children, and, when appropriate, disciplining his children. If the child's spiritual father commands them to recite a confession or hymn in unison, to gather together at a certain time on the Lord's Day, or to give heed to a certain Scriptural reading, the child is bound or obligated to obey.

Note that in these examples I use, the fathers might have permissibly chosen to obligate their children to do something else. Nevertheless, commands such as these are within the scope of each authority's power. 

That said, the authority of fathers only go so far. An earthly father cannot determine my spouse; a spiritual father cannot determine my job. Further, the authority of an earthly and a spiritual father are themselves normed by truth. These authorities have God-given prescriptions as well as proscriptions. 

I doubt Hays would have disagreed with this. If, say, either father teaches something that is false - cf. Irenei - the truth revealed by our Heavenly Father overrides their subordinate authority. And adding a mother, several hundred bishops, or even an apostle or angel into the mix doesn't change anything (Galatians 1:8). God may delegate authoritative roles, but insofar as any authority (or, for that matter, subordinate) who speaks truth does so by themselves implicitly presupposing divine revelation, God is the "final authority." We can know His word just is truth. For that reason, it is epistemically foundational and our authoritative norming norm.

However, if one typically "follows" what one "judges" to be true (description), how can we ensure our judgments align with our obligations (prescription)? This dovetails with a few other comments Hays offered in his original response to Robinson:

vi) I disagree with how Perry frames the issue. It's not in the first instance a question of authority but truth and evidence. We have a duty to believe revealed truth, and the evidence for some interpretations is better than others.

vii) Apropos (vi), it's meaningless to say, in the abstract, that an individual has more authority than the church or vice versa. Those are empty generalities. They can't be true or false because it depends on the specifics. Sometimes individuals are right while collectives are wrong. Sometimes collectives are right while individuals are wrong. There's no fact-free principle that's true in general. Rather, it depends on specific claims and supporting evidence. 

In most cases, I agree with Hays, and if Robinson thought Hays' position was worth mentioning, one would think he might have responded to points such as these. 

One added caveat to Hay's remarks: when it comes to foundational knowledge - where one's knowledge and obligations begin - I think Robinson's own tutor, Russ Manion, says it well: "God’s revelation is self-authenticating, because, by it, everything else is authenticated" (link). 

From what I've read of him, I quite like Manion - he seems to have derived much of his apologetic from the likes of Gordon Clark, Cornelius Van Til, and Greg Bahnsen. There are obvious disagreements I would have, but I've said before that Eastern Orthodox apologists should read him more closely (link), for as I've also said before, many Eastern Orthodox apologists appear to favor a species of sola revelation (link). Manion ironically confirms this in the most Protestant of terms. He may have even conceded this point - he appears to have been a genuine fellow.

Does Eastern Orthodoxy entail what Manion suggests? Well, on Eastern Orthodoxy, what could have been considered as one's "normative authority" between the time of the apostles and the first Council of Nicaea? Given that bishops can be wrong and sometimes were wrong, might it not be that God's revelation as propositional truth - regardless of whether the mode by which said truth was communicated was oral or written (link) - must be regarded as one's ultimate rule of faith? Everything else - councils and all - are to be measured by it, no? The only question is whether Scripture is materially and formally sufficient for knowledge; many Eastern Orthodox apologists seem to agree with the former, and their view seems to entail the latter. This would be rather Clarkian!

Regarding what "knowledge" itself means seems to be an open question amongst Eastern Orthodox apologists. Robinson himself disclaims "absolute certitude" (link) which, of course, begs the question as to how Protestantism is disadvantaged if Robinson could be wrong about that which he considers normatively authoritative. 

On the other hand, an Eastern Orthodox apologist like Jay Dyer believes Christians were able to have certitude about the faith prior to Nicaea (see the 1 hour mark here). Dyer argues that this refutes the Roman Catholic magisterium as a necessary, "epistemic principle" - well, it also undercuts any analogous suggestion that might be made regarding conciliarism (pentarchical, receptionist, etc.). After all, how else did the participants in the various councils come to their theological conclusions about Trinitarianism, Christology, etc.?

For my part, I think our knowledge of all authority - final and delegated - comes from divine revelation. Of course, we don't need to have a philosophically strict "knowledge" of who our authorities are for them to be authorities. I have authority over my newborn son without him having philosophically strict knowledge of anything, although my status as authority is knowable in principle. But I do think a philosophically strict "knowledge" is possible, as I've argued in dozens of other posts.

So if and when my son grows to the point where he is able to point towards a higher authority as a corrective to some erroneous instruction I give him, he won't be obliged to or bound by that instruction. Just so with any delegated authority. As Hays says, "It's enough to be right. You don't need a right to be right." Thus, if I teach error, my son is not obliged or bound by my instruction regardless of his epistemic status.

Does this "right" to refuse to obey delegated authorities in certain situations imply delegated authority is unreal or useless? No. Daniel was really thrown into a lion's den, and powers possessed by delegated authorities often functions to deter reckless behavior. It's just that Daniel was righteous, not reckless. Robinson seems to be aware that Presbyterians such as myself take membership vows. For instance, I myself have vowed the following:

Do you promise to participate faithfully in this church’s worship and service, to submit in the Lord to its government, and to heed its discipline, even in case you should be found delinquent in doctrine or life? (link)

In taking this vow, I joined myself to a body which has the authority to excommunicate me from it. Aside from his view of my church, would Robinson think I take that lightly? 

In short, Robinson's definition of "private judgment" seems to cloud his thinking. He defines it as follows: "Any Christian individual is ultimately obligated to adhere to belief X, if and only if they judge (determine, assess, etc.) that belief X is scriptural." But wasn't Palamas excommunicated by a Synod in 1344 for what he thought was scriptural? Would Robinson describe Palamas as exercising private judgment or right judgment in that case? 

While our epistemic status does not determine that which is authoritative, I don't see the relevance in this statement given that one's epistemic scruples are what will determine that which one regards as authoritative. Put it this way: it is just as easy for a Protestant apologist to posit that they are in an advantageous position with respect to a point of metaphysics (e.g. about what is "normatively authoritative") over against Eastern Orthodoxy as it is for an Eastern Orthodox apologist to posit the same thing in reverse. Without argumentation - which is epistemic and/or apologetic - there will be no reason (by definition!) for either side to budge. In their discussions, Hays was "right" to reject Robinson's definition, to shift focus to the proper sphere, and to hold Robinson accountable for the implications of his metaphysical claims.

Robinson himself admits he could apostatize from Eastern Orthodoxy. He could come to accept the Westminster Confession 31.3. Does Robinson think, then, that his possession of this power entails that he uses private judgment in his rejection of the Westminster Confession or in his acceptance of the ecumenical councils as scriptural? Is Robinson the "final authority" in his own situation? Surely not, but just so for Protestants who, say, reject unbiblical statements in conciliar documents.

One can read here or here for more on sola scriptura, including the following observation:

Sola scriptura is a metaphysical statement of what Scripture is - the extant extent of divine revelation and, thus, our solely ultimate, authoritative rule of faith - not an epistemological statement of how we know what Scripture is. Certainly, what Scripture metaphysically is may and does inform how we can know what it is, but I equally certainly don’t have to answer the question of how I know what Scripture is by looking through Scripture for a table of contents.
This last sentence returns us to Manion and the question of the canon of Scripture. I wonder if Robinson departs from his tutor on the self-authenticity of divine revelation. Robinson derides the Protestant understanding as ahistorical, yet his own view (which he does not outline) would seem to beg serious questions. Let's take a concrete example. Canon 2 of the Council of Trullo reads:

It has also seemed good to this holy Council, that the eighty-five canons, received and ratified by the holy and blessed Fathers before us, and also handed down to us in the name of the holy and glorious Apostles should from this time forth remain firm and unshaken for the cure of souls and the healing of disorders. (link)

The eighty-five canons referred to can be found here, the last of which lists the New Testament canon as including the epistles of Clement and as excluding Revelation. Does Robinson accept this list as binding? 

But we saw earlier that the Council of Carthage in 419 is also accepted, and that canonical list differs from those in the eighty-fifth canon above. Who [authoritatively?] decides which list is right, and why? If I disagree with another Protestant, at least I don't hold that Protestant to be infallible. 

Does Robinson not regard this council as infallible after all? Or does he take this canon of Trullo and now that "push comes to shove," will he "throw it out the window"? Or does he bite the bullet and accept the contradiction?

Further, is it not viewed as an issue that the Moscow patriarchate accepts a canon of Scripture that differs from other patriarchates? 

If one's normative authorities have different understandings of that which is binding - no matter how small the difference - then it is hard for me to take serious any claim about the superiority of Eastern Orthodoxy's concept or practice of normative authority. As an apologetic tack, it's a paper argument empty and devoid of real teeth.

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A Hodge-Podge of Reasonings on Original Sin 4 Jun 2024 9:44 AM (11 months ago)

For a recent exchange on original sin with Presbyterian Reverend Matthew Winzer, see the threads here and here in which I more broadly defended Augustinian-Reformed position on original sin against Charles Hodge's understanding and, more narrowly, defended the realist view. 

A point of appreciation I had was Winzer's willingness to own that his view is nominalistic. Of course, his pushback against certain arguments I made was expected. But while his explicit advocacy of nominalism was honest, his claim that Protestantism logically entails it is for that reason all the more dangerous. Unwitting third party readers may be attracted by Winzer's boldness and position, not realizing the high stakes involved in affirming nominalism. Robert Landis gives a sampling of these stakes in The Doctrine of Original Sin, a nigh-comprehensive refutation of Charles Hodge's implicit nominalism vis-a-vis his doctrine of original sin:

...let the serious-minded reader propound to himself, and frankly answer according to the spontaneous convictions of his moral nature and the impressions derived from the teachings of the divine word, the question, whether it can conceivably consist with the moral perfections of God, as revealed in His word and works, that He, on any ground whatever and by a mere act of the will, should constitute an innocent dependent creature depraved, apostate, and criminal, and then treat him or proceed against him as such? May He, in the case of creatures in whom sin or depravity does not exist, proceed, by a mere sovereign act of His will, first to produce it within them, and then to punish them for it according to the fearful inflictions of His punitive justice? In other words, Is it the prerogative of divine justice to pronounce sentence according to actually existing desert, e.g., in the case of apostasy or criminality of any sort; or are we to regard it as possessing the prerogative first to produce effectively that apostasy or ill-desert, and then to visit with its fearful retributions those who have thus been rendered subject to the infliction? If the latter, (and the latter is what Dr. Hodge teaches as our theology,) then the conception of divine justice in its relation to the creature, and as entertained by all rational or accountable beings, must certainly undergo an essential and radical modification, and along therewith the whole science of ethics and theology.

These questions are related to what I've called "absolute divine voluntarism" just as much as nominalism. Nominalism suggests that something is "true" in name only - i.e. without any correspondence to or grounding in (or of) a subject in question. In this context, is it truthful to impute sin to infants who have not in any sense sinned? 

Absolute divine voluntarism suggests that that which is said to be "good" or "just" is in virtue of God's absolutely free will only - i.e. a will that analogously has no correspondence to or grounding in, say, God's own necessary and intrinsic character, nature or attributes. In this context: is it good and just to impute sin to infants who have not in any sense sinned? 

The point is that these questions are of no small importance; in fact, Winzer would likely agree with that (if not Landis' and my acute framing of it). Now, I've elsewhere argued against absolute divine voluntarism here and for a defense of the realist view against nominalism here (see also the entire website in general). And those interested in my defense of the truthfulness, goodness, and justice of God's judgments can read the above links to the threads for the debate between Winzer and I, the end of which had reached a point of diminishing returns such that I did not expect any further reason to engage. 

The arguments are so sufficiently clear that were it not for an interested reader who asked me some questions at the end of the second thread linked above (posts 31-32), I would have not thought an extended reflection worthwhile. The understanding and statements on the matter such as one may find in Landis, Samuel Baird, John Murray, George P. Hutchinson, and amongst contemporary scholars like J. V. Fesko and C. N. Willborne are uncontroversial and, I think, unrefuted, despite the impression one might get when reading Winzer. But as men like John Murray are no longer with us to defend themselves against Winzer's false portrayals, perhaps the following will in some manner help to set the record straight regarding the broader, Augustinian-Reformed position which I refer to above.

At the outset, it will be helpful to outline what is at issue. The theologians I mentioned just above (and others) contend Hodge's following statements are out of step with the Reformed tradition. In his discussion of the meaning of sin, Hodge writes the following in Volume II of his Systematic Theology

Sin includes guilt and pollution; the one expresses its relation to the justice, the other to the holiness of God. These two elements of sin are revealed in the conscience of every sinner. He knows himself to be amenable to the justice of God and offensive in his holy eyes. He is to himself even, hateful and degraded and self-condemned. There are, however, two things included in guilt. The one we express by the words criminality, demerit, and blameworthiness; the other is the obligation to suffer the punishment due to our offences. These are evidently distinct, although expressed by the same word. The guilt of our sins is said to have been laid upon Christ, that is, the obligation to satisfy the demands of justice on account of them. But He did not assume the criminality, the demerit, or blameworthiness of our transgressions. When the believer is justified, his guilt, but not his demerit, is removed. He remains in fact, and in his own eyes, the same unworthy, hell-deserving creature, in himself considered, that he was before. A man condemned at a human tribunal for any offence against the community, when he has endured the penalty which the law prescribes, is no less unworthy, his demerit as much exists as it did from the beginning; but his liability to justice or obligation to the penalty of the law, in other words, his guilt in that sense of the word, is removed. It would be unjust to punish him a second time for that offence. This distinction theologians are accustomed to express by the terms reatus culpæ and reatus pœnæCulpa is (strafwürdiger Zustand) blameworthiness; and reatus culpæ is guilt in the form of inherent ill-desert. Whereas the reatus pœnæ is the debt we owe to justice...
A few pages later, in discussing the immediate imputation of original sin, Hodge says:
2. To impute sin, in Scriptural and theological language, is to impute the guilt of sin. And by guilt is meant not criminality or moral ill-desert, or demerit, much less moral pollution, but the judicial obligation to satisfy justice. Hence the evil consequent on the imputation is not an arbitrary infliction; not merely a misfortune or calamity; not a chastisement in the proper sense of that word, but a punishment, i.e., an evil inflicted in execution of the penalty of law and for the satisfaction of justice. 
Note carefully what has been said. In the first section, Hodge says:

"Culpa is... blameworthiness..." 
"...reatus culpæ is guilt in the form of inherent ill-desert."
Other synonyms he uses to describe culpa include "criminality, demerit, and blameworthiness."

In the second section, Hodge says:

"To impute sin... is to impute the guilt of sin. And by guilt is meant not criminality or moral ill-desert, or demerit."

In other words, Hodge has rejected that the imputation of the guilt of Adam's sin involved the imputation of "criminality, or moral ill-desert, or demerit." That is, Hodge has "distinguished" reatus culpæ and reatus pœnæ in such a way that Hodge thinks that reatus pœnæ can be (and is) imputed without reatus culpæ; obligation to punishment can be (and is) imputed without criminality. On his own terms, Hodge rejects the imputation of [reatus] culpa.
 
The importance of this point will come into focus below when I turn to Winzer's own assertions. In terms of initial problems with Hodge's remarks, though, one need only read the citations I (and, ironically, Winzer himself!) provided in our discussion. I will just add Turretin as one Reformed witness who rejects Hodge's separation of reatus culpæ from reatus pœnæ (link).
Falsely, however, is guilt distinguished by the papists into guilt of culpability and of punishment. The guilt of culpability (reatus culpae) according to them is that by which the sinner is of himself unworthy of the grace of God and worthy of his wrath and condemnation; but the guilt of punishment (reatus poenae) is that by which he is subject to condemnation and obliged to it. The former guilt, they say, is taken away by Christ. The latter, however, can remain (at least as to the guilt of temporal punishment). But the emptiness of the distinction appears from the nature of both. Since culpability and punishment are related and guilt is nothing else than the obligation to punishment arising from culpability, they mutually posit and remove each other so that culpability and its guilt being removed, the punishment itself ought to be taken away necessarily (as it can be inflicted only on account of culpability). Otherwise culpability cannot be said to be remitted or its guilt taken away, if there still remains something to be purged from the sinner because of it.
"Guilt is nothing else than the obligation to punishment arising from culpability." How different this is to Hodge! And as Turretin associates this with Roman Catholicism, it is no wonder that, as George P. Hutchinson puts it, Landis charged "that Hodge's doctrine is essentially the same as that of the Remonstrants and the Socinians, as well as that of the Nominalists in the Roman Church" (The Problem of Original Sin in American Presbyterianism, pg. 74). 

For good measure, the Reformed tradition drew on the thought of Augustine in their affirmation of the culpa(m) of Adam's progeny. In Against Julian, written against a disciple of Pelagius, Augustine affirms that the punishment infants experience due to original sin entails their culpability in said sin:
I ask you by what justice must an image of God that has in no way transgressed the law of the God be estranged from the kingdom of God, from the life of God? Do you not hear how the Apostle detests certain men, who, he says, are 'estranged from the life of God through the ignorance that is in them, because of the blindness of their heart'? Is a non-baptized infant bound by this sentence or not? If you say he is not bound, they you will be vanquished and punished by the evangelical truth and by the testimony of Pelagius himself, for where is the life of God except in the kingdom of God, into which none but those born again of water and the Spirit can enter? But, if you assert that he is bound, you acknowledge the punishment. Then you must acknowledge the guilt (culpam). You confess the torment—confess, then, that it is deserved.
Further citations of Reformed theologians by Landis, Samuel Baird, W. G. T. Shedd, R. L. Dabney, et al. constitute a veritable cloud of witnesses regarding the consensus that, contrary to Hodge, the imputation of the guilt (reatus) of Adam's sin inseparably and singularly involves punishment (pœnæ) by reason of culpability (culpa). Shedd in particular notes that Calvin writes in the Latin edition of The Institutes, Book II.i.8 (link), "no esset reatus absque culpa." This consensus is reaffirmed by contemporary scholars I've already alluded to. In my conversation with Winzer, I cited J. V. Fesko as writing (in Death in Adam, Life in Christ):
Hodge believed that when God imputed Adam’s sin to humanity, He only imputed the penalty, not Adam’s guilt or moral corruption. Hodge explains: ‘To impute sin, in Scriptural and theological language, is to impute the guilt of sin. And by guilt is meant not criminality or moral ill-desert, or demerit, much less moral pollution, but the judicial obligation to satisfy justice.’ In technical terms, Hodge maintains that Adam’s imputed sin is not his guilt (reatus culpae), nor the demeritum (demerit), but the penalty (reatus poenae). Hodge’s opinion diverges from the majority report within the tradition; namely, theologians argued that God imputed both guilt (reatus culpae) and penalty (reatus poenae)... Hodge argued that God imputed Adam’s sin to his offspring, which only entailed the liability to penalty (reatus poenae), not Adam’s guilt (reatus culpae).

As I said, Winzer is aware of this statement. I also made him aware of the conclusion to C. N. Willborne's contribution to a chapter on Hodge's view of original sin published last year within a larger volume about Hodge (Charles Hodge: American Reformed Orthodox Theologian). Winzer has read the second paragraph in what follows (pgs. 207, 228):

Guilt for Hodge does not include the demerit of Adam’s first sin, which Turretin seem to have taught. So, Crisp piggy backs on John Murray by suggesting that Hodge “dropped the culpa aspect of original guilt, retaining only the reatus, derived solely from possession of original sin itself.” This made the cause of liability to punishment resulting from original sin more ambiguous and undefined in Hodge’s writings than in earlier Reformed orthodox theology, constituting an element of discontinuity...
Was Hodge accurate when he averred that he had introduced no new ideas nor attempted to improve upon the tradition? In charity we think he honestly thought so. Is there reason to doubt that he maintained a position consistent with “old Calvinists” on the issue of federalism and transmission of Adam’s sin? There is, we think, good reason to doubt his consistency. Did he overreach in claiming a number of post-Reformation representatives in support of his views? We have shown good reason to say so. And, finally, was Muller’s supposition accurate that Hodge made no formal or virtually no dogmatic alterations to Reformed Orthodoxy? That little word “virtually” may be the saving virtue in the statement. Yet, Hodge did alter Reformed ideas at points.

Straightforwardly, Hodge's statements in his Systematic Theology reject that the so-called "guilt" (for what is guilt without culpability?) of Adam's sin which is imputed to his progeny involves their culpability, criminality, etc. This is how all scholars of whom I am aware have interpreted Hodge. 

Frankly, it shocks me Winzer has ignored rather than paused to consider and respectfully engage the work of these men. I've also repeatedly asked Winzer to offer a scholar who thinks otherwise. Until he does, it is the obvious course to follow the evidence above to its natural conclusion: in the context of original sin, Hodge rejected the imputation of reatus culpa; therefore, Hodge divides reatus culpa from reatus poenae.

So much for the setting of the stage. Now, one question I have been asked is whether there may be a misunderstanding between Winzer and I. I rather think that the misunderstanding is between he and John Murray, the author of The Imputation of Adam's Sin, as I'll return to momentarily

I had cited John Murray as an example of someone whose work on original sin is well-respected - a theologian who disagrees with my own realist view yet also affirms that Charles Hodge's doctrine of original sin was a departure from the majority of the Reformed tradition. I've written about this before, actually, and Winzer was even aware of this post prior to his making the second thread linked at the beginning of this post. So there should have been no cause for misunderstanding.

Here was a question I asked Winzer in my first reply to the second thread: 

What do you think of Murray's remark that for "Reformed theologians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries... there can be no poena or, for that matter, reatus poena apart from culpa" (pgs. 79-80)? Then on page 81, he summarizes a statement by Calvin to mean that "...this is to say that there is no liability to penalty without blameworthiness." And so forth for several more pages. Are you willing to concede that Hodge's statements diverged from the Reformed tradition?

Winzer responded:

Murray has failed to parse the issue. The divines are not saying these are two different things that are imputedThey are saying, in the matter of imputation, that they are the same thing, that is, that guilt only pertains to liability to punishment.

At this point, I was and truly remain baffled for the following reasons:

1) Winzer is correct that "The divines are not saying these are two different things that are imputed."

2) Murray affirms this, as will be shown below.

3) Hodge denies this, as was shown above.

Naturally, I attempted to correct Winzer's error. Twice. I cited scholars, noted that his own examples contradict his position - all of which was ignored. In response to my attempts, Winzer tripled-down:

The state of the question is, whether these are divided in the act of imputation. Hodge denies; Murray affirms.

Once again, there should be no misunderstanding between Winzer and I. Now, if I had to venture a guess, here is where I think Winzer goes awry: recall his above assertion that regarding reatus culpa and reatus poenae, "in the matter of imputation, that they are the same thing, that is, that guilt only pertains to liability to punishment." 

It is difficult to understand the meaning of this in a way which avoids collapsing reatus culpa into reatus poenae such that culpa retains any distinctive meaning from poenae. That is, Winzer seems to entirely eliminate the any trace of the meaning of former from the context of original sin such that the entire matter of imputation is resolved in the latter. Culpa just is poenae, culpability just is punishment. If I have not put my finger on the matter, the alternative is that Winzer is simply incorrect that Hodge affirms reatus culpa and that Murray denies it. 

But if indeed I am right in understanding what Winzer thinks, even if he were right, it would still be impossible to defend Hodge insofar as Hodge completely divides the two. Hodge says that reatus culpa and reatus poenae "are evidently distinct." Hodge does not deny a conceptual or even imputable distinction here; thus, when he rejects that criminality (culpability) is imputed in the context original sin, he has, contrary to Winzer, "evidently" divided the two. 

Further, assuming I am correct that Winzer has collapsed reatus culpa into reatus poenae such that the former conceptually disappears, then as was noted already, Winzer's understanding is refuted by Turretin: "guilt is nothing else than the obligation to punishment arising from culpability." In short, it is true that there are not two different "things" imputed. But the point is that that which is imputed involves culpability and that this is at least conceptually distinct from the punishment which arises from it. 

For another example, since the person who asked me some questions at the end of my discussion with Winzer mentioned John Owen, here is Murray's conclusion following his citation of Owen, a theologian "to whom... Hodge made appeal" (link):

‘‘Much less is there any thing of weight in the distinction of ‘reatus culpae’ and ‘reatus poenae;’ for this ‘reatus culpae’ is nothing but ‘dignitas poenae propter culpam’ .... So, therefore, there can be no punishment, nor ‘reatus poenae,’ the guilt of it, but where there is ‘reatus culpae,’ or sin considered with its guilt...”5 This latter quotation conveniently introduces us to what may well be considered as the consensus of Reformed theologians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

See here for the entire context of Owen's own comments, which will sustain Murray's rebuttal of Hodge. 

With this in mind, it is Winzer who fails to parse Murray rather than vice versa. See pages 36-37 of The Imputation of Adam's Sin, Murray writes:

In presenting and defending the representative view it is necessary to relieve it of some misrepresentation on the part of opponents and of certain extravagances on the part of proponents. With reference to the latter, as will be shown later in this series of studies, the representative view is not bound up with the assumption that posterity is involved only in the poena of Adam’s sin and not in the culpa. It is not to be supposed that only realism can hold to the imputation of the culpa of Adam’s transgression. Furthermore, the representative view is not to be loaded with the distinction between reatus culpae and reatus poenae which the older Reformed theologians rejected and which they characterized and criticized as papistical.
Note the part in italics in which Murray affirms the very thing for "representationalists" - in whose company Murray numbered himself - that Hodge denies: the imputation of the culpa.

More importantly, note the part underlined in which Murray agrees that there are not two "things" imputed. Murray affirms that culpa and poenae are inseparable, the very thing which Hodge denies! Winzer has gotten the matter entirely backwards. You can't make this stuff up. Murray also repeats this sentiment on page 80:

...of more importance for the subject in hand is the way in which Reformed theologians conceived of the relations of culpa, reatus, and poena and, most particularly, their insistence that there can be no poena or, for that matter, no reatus poenae apart from culpa.

What Winzer asserts in various places is that Murray is arguing is exactly opposite of what Murray argues. It would have behooved Winzer to simply read Murray's book (as well as the others I had mentioned). If this seems short, it is only because Winzer has been so quick to misrepresent Murray and so slow to acknowledge his error. 

Were it not for this misrepresentation, the situation would otherwise be rather amusing. In juxtaposition to the title of a post I linked to earlier, this one might have been appropriately named "Representationalist Misrepresentation of the Representationalist View on Original Sin"!

I take the above to be a fair outline of where and why I think Winzer has wrongly depicted Hodge, Murray, and "the divines." One can find similar issues in Winzer's exegesis of Hodge here.

Now, leaving Winzer aside, what motivated Hodge's deviation from the Reformed tradition? One possibility is that Hodge assumes that one can only be "culpable" for sin if that which is imputed is a sin he committed as a person. If so, this is not what the Reformers, following Augustine, thought. I mention this in particular because of a statement made by the person who wanted to ask me some questions. He wrote:

According to the common Reformed understanding of imputation, the progeny of Adam receive reatus poenae (liability to receive punishment) and reatus culpae (liability because of sin), but the cause (the sin, the culpae) belongs personally to Adam, whereas the poenae is given to Adam and his progeny, because both Adam and his progeny share in the liability (the reatus).

Adam is indeed the only person who "personally" sinned in the garden, but he is not the only person "culpable" for said sin. For Adam's progeny (Christ excepted) sinned in him. Realists and representationalists alike agree with this explanation for why infants are culpable for the sin imputed to them (contra Hodge). Their explanations as to the nature of the "participation" are different, of course, but this is the idea behind what is meant by the idea we "participated" in Adam's sin: we, his progeny who now exist as distinct persons from Adam, nevertheless [culpably and participatively] sinned in him.

Another point: Hodge's apparent reasoning - based on Hutchinson's book (which is still, I maintain, the fairest and best introduction to these issues) - is that Christ is not culpable for sin which He did not commit as a person. That is, Christ is not culpable [for our sin]. 

Yet, Hodge argues, our sin is "imputed" to Christ. In other words, Hodge is reading back how he thinks "imputation" works between the last Adam and those with whom He is united into how "imputation" works between the first Adam and those with whom he is united. If Christ is not culpable, neither are we. So goes the argument.

If so, though, it begs the question. As I argue in one of my responses to Winzer, the relationship between the two appears to be inverse, not parallel. Even if the following does not completely establish this thesis, it should be enough by way of response to Hodge's reasonings.

Grace - works
Life - death
Righteousness - sin
Into the last Adam - Out of the first Adam
Etc.

See here for my own take. Just as the concepts are opposite, so too with logical ordering (at least in some respects). For example, depravity of nature is indeed a punishment which is logically consequent to immediate imputation. Hodge is right about this.

But imagine if such were logically parallel in the case of soteriology! Regenerative change of nature would then be logically consequent to imputation of Christ's righteousness. That would mean we come to faith, are justified, and are then regenerated. But this is Arminianism - for how did we come to faith in the first place apart from regeneration? 

Ironically, Hodge's aim to defend the graciousness of the covenant of grace fails in proportion to his inability to contrast it to the covenant of works. One can find more on this in Hutchinson's book, as what I am saying has been noted by the likes of Landis and Dabney already.

Now, realists and representationalists quite agree that Christ is not culpable for sin which He did not commit as a person. That is, Christ is not culpable. But Hodge seems to miss is the point that another reason Christ is not culpable is that He was never "in" the first Adam and, thus, never [culpably and participatively] sinned in Adam (unlike the rest of Adam's progeny). And this links back to what I said earlier.

Another question I was asked pertains to a question I myself asked of Winzer: what sort of "justice" does not take into account criminality and so forth when judging? Here is the question I was asked in response:

Your question itself seems to be begging one. I think that the nominalist (?; I can't remember if this is the term used for non-realists) view is that God’s justice does take into account criminality, but particularly that of Adam, not only of the one being punished. EDIT: So I guess your question is actually, What sort of justice does not take into account personal criminality?
When I asked Winzer this question, I had already disputed his nominalism in the first thread-link mentioned at the beginning of this post. Thus, my question was a carry-over, not question-begging, insofar as I had already laid out problems with nominalism. To clarify my question: "What sort of justice ascribes a crime without taking into account whether the person to whom it is ascribed participated in criminality in any sense?" One cannot consistently affirm that God does not lie when He ascribes a crime to those who have not participated in it. This is destructive teaching. 

Additionally, to reframe my question as about "personal" criminality seems to ironically beg the question in favor of Hodge, as I discuss above.

To those who may read this post or the disagreement between myself and Winzer and come away with questions: that is a healthy response. It took time for me to reach conclusions with which I am relatively satisfied, and I don't pretend to have everything figured out. What helps is to have humility rather than hubris as one follows through on reading scholarly and primary sources, all of which will explain the fine distinctions and key matters better than I have and at more leisure than I have present time to extensively defend.

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Prolegomena to Textual Criticism 31 May 2024 9:50 PM (11 months ago)

I've written elsewhere on how I situate "textual criticism" within the apologetic context of epistemic foundationalism (see the tags for this subject here). What follows will be a prolegomena of sorts to textual criticism.

Based on John 5 and other such passages, there is, I think, a Trinitarian parallel one can make between metaphysics, epistemology, and soteriology. For instance, we are saved in the Spirit through the Word sent from the Father, which Word is the very revelation of God (John 1, Hebrews 1, Romans 8, etc.). Just so, we are come to knowledge and are saved through [faith in the] words from the Father in the Spirit's breathing (Psalm 119, Matthew 11, 2 Timothy 3, etc.).

From, through, in. Keep those words in mind.

How might we tease this out? Divine revelation is indeed propositional. For example, the Scriptures cannot be broken (John 10), so if it were the case that the Scriptures are merely physical words, I could tear up its pages, silence the mouths of those who speak, etc. This propositional revelation is from the Father (as Christ is from the Father) insofar as it (and He) is revealed to those whom it pleases Him to learn its truth (John 6, Matthew 16).

That said, the mode through which this word is revealed is inscripturation. Likewise, the mode through which God's Son was sent as Savior was the incarnation. It is through the enfleshed w/Word that people are saved (Romans 10). We are not gnostics, after all.

Yet while the way through which we are caused to learn God's truth is via sensation, it is still the case that the objects of knowledge are propositional. Physical words may be means through which we are caused to understand revelation, but such representations always beckon us back to the archetypal propositions to which they correspond in a manner analogous to the way in which the Son beckons us back to the archetypal Father in whose image He is (Col 1).

Thus, in our Trinitarian formulations, the metaphysical beginning is the Father. So too in our revelatory formulations: the epistemological beginning is the propositions.

Now, the Word of God, Jesus Christ, was only made manifest in the Spirit. Likewise, the word of God, the Scriptures, are only made manifest in the Spirit. Christ's birth and baptism inaugurated his earthly life and ministry. Our rebirth and baptism in the Spirit inaugurates our salvific life (such that we become true words of the True Word; cf. link), and the Spirit's breath inaugurated the manifestation of the propositional word in His speech in the prophets and apostles (2 Peter 1, Ephesians 2; there is potential for drawing out themes in terms of progressive-revelation and [new] covenant[al life] here, but I will leave that aside for now).

Our encounter with the metaphysical Trinity is through Christ the Word. At the same time, this very Word testifies of His being sent from the Father from whom we must begin if we are to understand the Son and His Spirit-wrought purpose for us.

Moreover, our encounter with Christ is through the inscripturated word. And Christ's words - for Scripture itself is the word of the Word - testifies of the archetypal propositions from which we must begin if we are to understand the physical creation and its Spirit-wrought purpose for us.

Those who begin with the physical text already evidence a faulty set of presuppositions - not that there is anything wrong with the inscripturated word, mind you. But people won't understand it aright unless they understand from whence it comes.

Likewise, those who begin with, say, the "historical Jesus" already evidence a faulty set of presuppositions - not that there is anything wrong with the incarnate Word, mind you. But people won't understand Him aright unless they understand from Whom He comes.

Textual criticism, then, can serve an apologetic role insofar as it beckons us back to the propositional truth from and with which we must epistemologically begin in order for the defense to be intelligible. A defense of the [written] Scripture presupposes knowledge of the revealed Scripture. A proper defense presupposes a proper epistemic starting point such that the former will confirm the latter.

One final, somewhat tangential observation: I've listened to enough Eastern Orthodox apologists to be aware of the emphasis they place on the ordo theologiae and the Father as the "starting point" (link, link). How amusing is it, then, when said apologists promote circular justification (link)? Whether or not one agrees with their metaphysics, there is an internal critique to be made here.

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Imputation in Various Contexts 12 Apr 2024 7:18 AM (last year)

Samuel Baird writes, "To impute, is, to attribute a moral act or attitude to a party" (The Elohim Revealed, pg. 471). In the historia salutis, three contexts in which some sort of important attribution or imputation is theorized include:

1. Sins are imputed to Christ when He suffered for the sake of His sheep.

2. Sin is imputed to us when we are born.

3. Righteousness is imputed to us when we are converted.

Let's look at these more closely:

1. Here is why I think this proposal is problematic: Christ never sinned, nor did He participate in sin... so how can He be truthfully attributed, regarded as, or charged with being a sinner? Now, I would agree that it is just for Christ to voluntarily experience the wrath of God (see note below) in anticipation of union with sinners such that His suffering satisfies the punishment due to them (penal substitution). However, it seems to me that the Father never falsely looks at Christ as something that Christ is not (a sinner). Thus, #1 is false.

Another problem: if sin's are said to be imputed to Christ at another time than His suffering, when would that be? Whilst He is reigning in heaven? That isn't intelligible. Or if sin is imputed to Christ at the time He suffered on the cross, whose sins are imputed? The elect's? If so, then why are the elect regarded as enemies of God and under God's wrath before they are converted? That would imply double punishment - the same sins are unjustly punished twice over. I write more on this point here (see the comment section as well).

[Side note: one doesn't need to suppose that the Trinity experienced ontological separation in order for Christ to endure the just wrath due to sinners. As an analogy, consider that we were "children of wrath" and "enemies of God" even while "in love He predestined us." A fortiori, Christ's experiencing the wrath of God - suffering in body and soul - does not suggest an internal rift within the Trinity. See, for example, Psalm 22:1-2 specifying the withdrawal of the experience of the presence of the Father at the time of the crucifixion.]

2. Adam's sin is imputed to us when we are born because we are born "in Adam." We are united to our prototypical father by having been naturally generated from or been begotten by him. In the case of Christ, He is of the same spirit - consubstantial - with Adam (and us) but is not from Adam's concrete spirit, having been born of a virgin. We, on the other hand, are not only of the same spirit but from his concrete spirit. Having been multiplied out of him, we can be justly regarded as having sinned in him. While we did not exist as persons, Adam's same, concrete spirit by which he sinned is now in us (paternal traducianism). 

To deny any of this seems to lead to irresolvable problems. Are we are punished for something for which we are not guilty? Are we guilty without having participated in that in virtue of which we are guilty? I plan to outline this participation in a separate post, but suffice it to say that I think #2 is true.

3. Whereas I have suggested that there is a sense in which "we" were "in Adam" when he sinned (and, thus, were participants in his sin), we were not "in" the last Adam at the time He lived perfectly or suffered on the cross (cf. John 7:39). Thus, we did not "participate" in Christ's work of redemption. That is, while the ground of our condemnation is our own wrong-doing, the ground of our justification is not on the basis of our right-doing.

On the other hand, justification is based on our union with Christ and, by extension, His work (cf. the Westminster Larger Catechism, Question 66). In fact, Galatians 2:20, Ephesians 2:5-6, etc. show that those who are in Christ are attributed, imputed, or regarded as experiencing crucifixion, resurrection, ascension, and seating with Christ. Christ's life forms the basis for and pattern of our salvation.

We bear an inverse relationship to the first Adam as we do to the last: pertaining to the spirit of the first Adam, by natural generation we are born out of him and his (and "our") sin. By contrast, pertaining to the Spirit of the last Adam, in regeneration we are born into Him and His righteousness (et al.). This inverse relationship explains why participation is necessary in the one case but not the other: the imputation of sin presupposes participation in said sin which, in turn, entails a real union with the first Adam. By grace, the imputation of righteousness does not require participation in the same sense, although said imputation does still require a real union with the last Adam. For more on this, see here. Thus, #3 is true.

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Lane Tipton on Gordon Clark and Cornelius Van Til 5 Apr 2024 11:15 PM (last year)

Recently, I wrote on the importance of history (link). An example of this stems from a dialogue on Lane Tipton's book, The Trinitarian Theology of Cornelius Van Til. I have since purchased the book, and below, I'll link to a video lecture by Tipton that covers much of the same content. Of initial interest to me was pg. 79 of Tipton's book:

...when we realize that Van Til speaks of God as "one person" in a manner synonymous with Bavinck's speaking of God as "absolute personality," we can discern that Van Til intends to add nothing beyond what Bavinck has already expressed. It is highly likely that Van Til uses such language to polemically sharpen his critique of Gordon Clark's conception of the divine unity as "mute substance." Clark's rationalistic notion of "mute substance" supplies part of the polemical context for Van Til's insistence that there is no impersonal dimension to God's unity as an absolute personality... (Tipton, The Trinitarian Theology of Cornelius Van Til, pg. 79)

Further, on pg. 85, Tipton writes:

...we fail to do justice to Van Til’s concerns if we do not factor in his theological disagreements with the theological rationalism of his day, particularly the rationalism of the neo-evangelical Gordon H. Clark. Van Til’s comments on the incomprehensibility of God, especially in An Introduction to Systematic Theology, arise immediately from the context of the Clark–Van Til controversy. As a result, Van Til’s understanding of the Trinity and divine incomprehensibility is designed partly to correct the rationalistic distortions he detected in the formulations of Clark. What will prove instructive for our discussion of Van Til’s doctrine of the Trinity is the appearance, years after the controversy itself, of a motif in Clark’s theology that denies personality to God’s unity. While definitively dissenting from the personalists, Clark devised formulations that amount to the opposite error of the Boston Personalists in that he can affirm tripersonality only by describing the essence of God as mute or unconscious. The personalists deny personality with respect to God’s diversity, while Clark denies personality with reference to God’s unity. 
It is out of this matrix of Trinitarian reflection that Van Til deemed it appropriate to utilize the language that God is “one person” or “absolute personality,” while not allowing that affirmation to subvert the complementary truth that God exists as three persons or a tripersonal being. In Van Til’s mind, the formulations of both the Boston Personalists and Gordon Clark proved inadequate to convey the absolutely personal and incomprehensible character of God’s Trinitarian existence.
This has led other people to follow Tipton's conclusions. For example, Christopher Smith reviews of Tipton's book by stating (link):
This absolute personality means, contra Gordon Clark (1902–85), that self-consciousness can be found in the Triune God even while there is a self-differentiated existence as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, thus guarding against the tritheistic notion of three centers of self-consciousness. Van Til was reacting to Clark’s notion that in God there are three “distinct bundles of thoughts,” i.e. self-consciousness. Van Til’s opponents were broader than merely Gordon Clark, however. Indeed, his primary opponent was a school of thought Tipton identifies as “theistic personalism,” and Van Til’s thought was, in large part, a reaction to these views.
So, how accurate is Tipton's assessment of Clark's influence on Van Til? Despite other areas in which I enjoy Tipton's work, my answer will be: not at all. 

For starters, Van Til's language of "absolute personality" is found in works as early as his An Introduction to Systematic Theology. In the 1971 preface to this book, Van Til writes:
The first ‘‘edition’’ of this syllabus appeared some thirty-five years ago. Its title then was: An Introduction to Systematic Theology. Since then much has happened in theology. Yet the old syllabus is now made available again in a practically unaltered form. The author has dealt with the main developments of recent theology in other writings.
That means Van Til's syllabus was originally made available in 1936. Access to this original would aid in answering which topics were impacted by later theological developments and which topics were "practically unaltered" (although having such access will turn out to be unnecessary to answer whether Tipton's analysis is accurate). 

For example, Clark's work in the 1940s is referenced in the 1971 edition; specifically, Clark's "The Primacy of the Intellect," "The Answer," and "A Christian Philosophy of Education"). Obviously, these works would not have been discussed in the original 1936 syllabus. If the language that God is "one person" or absolute personality" appeared in the original, such would seem to antedate any mention of Clark. 

Also, are there even any contexts in the 1971 edition in which Clark merits so much as a mention while Van Til uses the language that God is "one person" or "absolute personality"? No - one can read Van Til's book himself to verify that this is the case.

Further, Clark's rhetorical question of whether a person is "to be considered unconscious, mute substance?" comes from The Trinity (1985), 3 months prior to his death. The most thorough bibliography on Van Til (of which I am aware) states that his last published article came at the age of 87. How is it possible that Tipton thinks Van Til critiqued a 1985 statement by Clark if Van Til's last published work was in 1982? I could very well end this post with the simple observation that it is impossible for Van Til to have been reacting to a thought by Clark in 1985.

[To be more precise, while Clark's The Trinity was originally published in 1985, Clark had finished the manuscript as early as 1977 as part of a larger project: a systematic theology (link). Because The Trinity was not published until 1985, however, I will continue to refer to that as the earliest date Van Til might have read Clark use the phrase "mute substance" unless evidence is shown to the contrary.]

There are more points to be made, so I'll come back to Clark's actual remarks found in The Trinity later. Let's turn to Tipton's book. If we set aside Tipton's tangent on paradox, human freedom, and divine sovereignty (pgs. 96-98), the only reference Tipton makes to any of Clark's works is The Trinity. Thus, it doesn't appear that Tipton has in mind any other statements by Clark that were made during the 1920s-1970s that might have impacted Van Til's language in question. g

I have already intimated that Clark's works in the 1940s do not appear to relevantly bear on Van Til's language that God is "one person" or "absolute personality," at least so can as I can discern from the 1971 edition of Van Til's Introduction to Systematic Theology itself. On the contrary, take the following statement by Clark written before 1936:
1935. Revised edition of Readings in Ethics. Gordon H. Clark and T.V. Smith, eds. New York: F.S. Crofts and Company. 
But one must learn that when a philosopher says God, he may not mean God. Both Jew and Christian regard God as an Almighty Personal Being who chose to create the world. Two Christians, Descartes and Leibniz, may have disagreed on the question whether God made this world good by choosing it, or whether God chose this world because it was good. But all agree He chose and created. But for Spinoza, on the contrary, there was neither choice nor creation, for his God is not a personal being.
Additionally, consider other statements Clark made in the 1940s:
1949. Authority in Religion. The Witness Jul: 5-6.

The Christian as well as the modernist believes that God has revealed himself in nature. But if this is the only revelation, if this is the most definite revelation there is, men soon begin to see in the marvels of nature, nature and only nature. A real, living, personal God recedes into the dim, unnecessary background.

Pre 1950. Language is Beautiful - and Deceitful. The Home Evangel

The other day a Jewish community house, to raise funds for their unfortunate brothers, invited a philosopher to give a lecture. The philosopher was a Christian, in the original, orthodox, Biblical sense of the word. He chose to speak on the reality of a personal God, and tried to show that only by trusting a personal God could man face the world and solve its problems. A gentleman in the audience said that he did not believe all the stuff this philosopher propounded. “I don’t believe in any personal God,” he insisted, “I am a Unitarian.” 
And so it seems that “Unitarian” has come to mean “atheist.” And “Christian” has come to mean one who denies the Bible and rejects the blood atonement of Christ. All this leads a thoughtful person to believe the more in the inherent depravity of man, out of which comes the modem depravity of words. Respectable authors must long for a regeneration of language; but this can only occur by a regeneration of the human heart that is at enmity with God.
Now, I really did try to do some legwork on Tipton's behalf. I had to scour my notes to find anything by Clark that Tipton could have remotely included in the alleged "matrix" of reflection out of which Van Til opted to use the language of "one person" or "absolute personality." The closest I could find was a letter from Clark to J. Oliver Buswell on April 3, 1937, to which Van Til probably did not have access and which I doubt is the sort of thing Tipton had in mind anyways (since Clark is just attempting to summarize Shedd):
Question: Is the being of the second Person of the Trinity derived from the Father according to Vos?

Answer: I doubt it. On p. 216 of The Self Disclosure, Vos says that the glory of the Son comes from the Father, and on pg. 221 Vos says that Jn. 5:26 and 6:57 teach that the Son's life is derived from the Father. He further seems to accept the doctrine of eternal generation.
The question therefore becomes, what historically is the doctrine of eternal generation, and what does the word 'being' mean?

Hodge, Vol I. on the eternal generation quotes Turretin as opposing the eternal generation of the essence of Christ and as therefore opposing the Nicene fathers. Having read Hodge hurriedly I may be mistaken on the 'therefore' in the last sentence, for I do not think the Nicene father taught what Turretin attacks.

Shaff, Creed of Christendom, Vol I, p. 37, says that the Athanasian creed excludes every kind of subordination of essence. It states clearly that absolute unity of the divine being or essence.

Shedd, History of Christian Doctrine, Vol. I p.316, speaks of the essence as that which is one, the personality three. Thus persons may be generated but not the essence. Shedd also, p. 317, remarks that the eternal generation is necessary but creation depends entirely upon arbitrary will. Apparently this denial ofthe generation of essence is compatible with the expression: the Father communicates the one eternal essence to the Son. By 'communicate' I guess is meant Platonic participation (though there is something queer here) and raises the question whether Gregory of Nyssa was correct in saying that the relation of persons to the Godhead was the same as that of individuals to their Idea.

The generation therefore is of a Person by a Person. As Calvin I xiii 19 says: “we justly represent him as originating from the Father.”

Shedd, op. cit. p. 323: “Hence the Nicene theologians harmonized the doctrine of eternal generation with that of unity of essence by teaching the necessity of this generation.”

CONCLUSION. Since the Nicene fathers maintained eternal generation in their repudiation of Arianism, it seems to me first that there is no ground for saying that Vos implies the generation of essence, being, reality (ousia); and second that the doctrine instead of being dangerous is an excellent method of defending trinitarianism against Arianism.

May I also add that Vos may not have the “unified perspective” of Machen and Warfield because he approaches his problems exegetically rather than systematically.
It is also difficult for me to imagine that Van Til himself would have nitpicked Shedd. That in mind, here is the full context of Clark's rhetorical question cited by Tipton. From pgs. 129-130 in The Trinity (2010 edition):
Several romantically inclined students, and a few professors as well, have complained that “this makes your wife merely a set of propositions.” Well, so it does. This suits me, for I am a set of propositions too. And those who complain are as they think. Is a person to be considered unconscious, mute substance? Why is he not conscious thoughts? Of course, one may just say “thoughts,” for thoughts cannot be unconscious.

Naturally, human beings are mutable: Their thoughts or minds change. The three Persons of the Godhead are immutable because their thoughts never change. They never forget what they now know, they never learn something new, in fact they have never learned anything. Their thought is eternal. Since also the three Persons do not have precisely the same set of thoughts, they are not one Person, but three. If substance were the principle of individuation – for we have seen that space-time cannot be – then there could not be three Persons. Identity of substance would mean identity of person. If then substance, for this and other reasons, is not the principle of individuation, the theologians referred to should explain what their principle is.
One may disagree with Clark's metaphysical reductionism of persons to sets of propositions (as I do and have argued against). A few points, though:

1. The immediate context of the quote is in reference to human persons and substances, not divine. 

2. The point of the bold is obviously meant by Clark to be a denial that persons are unconscious, mute substances... but one would think Tipton and Van Til would agree with this? If so, then what is the issue? Is Tipton inferring something more, e.g. that Clark thinks all substances are unconscious and mute? If so, his inference is by no means obvious to me, and I think he would need to give more evidence of this.

3. In fact, this inference would be false. In the same book on The Trinity, Clark says (pg. 67):
In VII, ii, 3 Augustine makes substance and essence synonyms, and in VII, iv, 7 he twice, and maybe a third time, includes nature. This may help some readers to escape from Aristotelian matter and Locke’s two substances, but the term essence today is also vague. If, however, these terms were replaced by the word definition, several difficulties could be avoided. The definition of the Triune God is not the definition of the Son.
Obviously, Clark thinks the Son is a person who is neither mute nor unconscious. If the Son is a definition (= substance), then even in 1985, Clark thought that there is at least one "substance" that is neither mute nor unconscious. Of course, there are numerous problems with this construction, but the point is that Tipton seems to be reading into Clark's rhetorical question things that are not entailed. 

For those who don't have access to Tipton's book, Tipton's lecture on Gordon Clark: Theological Rationalism and Trinitarianism support what I have argued: that Tipton inaccurately interprets a rhetorical question by Clark from 1985 and anachronistically refers to it as part of the polemical context out of which Van Til's distinctive Trinitarian theology was formed. For example, between minutes 21-25, Tipton says:
To clarify a bit the relationship of the hypotheses to the essence of God - the relationship of the persons to the essence - what distinguishes the persons from the godhead or the essence is self-consciousness. Mute substance is not what characterizes the persons - that is collections of thought collections of thoughts. Personhood is not what characterizes the substance - it's unconscious and mute.

And so look at what you start to find in the polemical context that Van Til faced: whether it's the personalists at the early turn of the 20th century moving into the 20s and 30s or whether it's the developing neo-evangelical trinitarianism of Gordon Clark in the 30s, 40s, and into the 50s, what do you find?

You find an affirmation of unipersonality that calls into question the integrity and personality of the individual hypotheses in personalism, or you find an affirmation of personhood as bundles of thoughts - a novelty in the history of the reformed tradition, but that's how personhood is defined - but in a way that makes the essence of God unconscious, mute substance. 
And so there's an affirmation of one Consciousness (a denial of three Consciousness) in the personalists there's an affirmation of three Consciousness and a denial of one Consciousness in the neo-evangelical rationalists...
Did Bavinck confirm absolute personality as an entailment of numerical unity and divine simplicity? Yes. Did Hodge affirm that there is one will, one mind, one consciousness in a way that peacefully and sweetly complies in mystery with tri-personality? Yes. Did Van Til follow both? Yes.

But according to Clark, personality requires only those things not common to the three and he draws the implication from that that the essence of God is unconscious, mute substance that is antithetically related to personality. See, a necessary condition for Clark for the possibility of personality is the presence of propositions not common to the three. So what Clark lacks is a theological principle that can account for the absolute personality of God. 

I see no evidence that Clark said anything in "the 30s, 40s, and into the 50s" which could be labeled "neo-evangelical trinitarianism," and I have already quoted several statements by Clark during this time period which cut against it. A 1985 quote which may not even be correctly interpreted is insufficient evidence for the idea that Van Til owed his distinctive Trinitarian language or views to anything Clark wrote. 

Conclusion: my theory is that Tipton is unaware of Clark's gradual, metaphysical synthesis I have posited elsewhere (link). This is understandable in the absence of an historical chronology such as that which I have been putting together. Tipton might assume Clark's earlier Trinitarian views were more or less consistent with what Clark expressed in 1985. But this is an assumption which cannot be maintained. History matters (with this, Tipton would surely agree).

[Parenthetically, if I were pressed to pinpoint when Clark's understanding of "persons" changed, I would suggest Reason, Religion, and Revelation (1961, "Trust in a person is a knowledge of a person; it is a matter of assenting to certain propositions") illustrates an outworking of Clark's rejection of the correspondence theory of truth. 

By the time of The Philosophy of Gordon H. Clark (1968), it is explicit ("persons are propositions"). Interestingly, Clark's definition of persons is given in reply to Ronald Nash, who in that book suggested "certain affinities" between Clark's metaphysic and "the Boston Personalism of Edgar Sheffield Brightman and Process Philosophy." I wonder if Tipton took Nash's thesis and ran with it.]

Moreover, Tipton simply misreads Clark. His whole argument seems to be tenuously premised on one rhetorical question (!) that in context does not lend even the least bit of credence to Tipton's inferences.

I am no scholar of Van Til, but if I had to make a suggestion, it would be that Van Til drew inspiration from his interaction with Hegelians. See the following remarks from his 1927 dissertation, God and the Absolute:
...in as much as the Absolute is often spoken of as revealing Himself or itself,—being regarded either as personal or as impersonal,—and in as much as this revelation is spoken of as inexplicable 18 , the Absolute is very clearly looked upon as Beyond... 

For McTaggart God is the logical universal immanent in all particulars or else he becomes one of the particulars Himself. Now on this basis it is not possible to maintain that the Absolute has any meaning except that which finds realization in the particulars. It is again quite true that Idealism does not wish to go that far with its emphasis on immanence. It continues to speak of the Absolute as “selfconscious” and “personal.” But is Idealism entitled to such an Absolute? It seems not; a logical universal has meaning only because of and for the particulars in which it is manifested.

Right or wrong, Van Til's thesis (so it seems to me) is that in contradistinction to Idealism, Christianity is entitled to "such an Absolute." 

Perhaps Tipton's other argument in his book are worthwhile, but I hope the above sets the record straight regarding Clark. As an addendum, I don't find Tipton's following line of argument convincing:

The theology of Gordon Clark finds affinity with the personalists in that it is motivated by a strong form of theological rationalism. However, the result of Clark’s rationalism for his doctrine of the Trinity amounts to a virtual denial of a personal essence or ousia in the Godhead – a point that has received little to no attention. Clark’s commitment to theological rationalism, together with his attempt to formulate a principle of individuation within the Godhead, yield a conception of the Godhead that granted self-consciousness only to the hypostases. If the rationalism of the personalists ascribed personality only to the unity of the Godhead, Clark’s rationalism relegated personality only to the diversity within the Godhead. This appeared most clearly in Clark’s argument that self-consciousness applies not to God as a self-identical subject, but only to the distinct hypostases understood as unique combinations of thoughts.

I do not find anywhere in the book that Tipton engages with Clark's points in his later works (flawed as they are) such as one can read in Clark's last letter to John Robbins (February, 1985):

Dear Dr. Robbins, The sheet from the Elders Handbook, which you sent me and Van Til also, held that God is both one Person and three Persons. This seems to be to be a form of Modalism, or Patripassionism as the early Church called it. The three names are names of three activities. When God creates, he is called Father, when he redeems he is called Son. In spite of the fact that Dr. Kuyper and Van Til speak of Three Persons, there is not much personality left, or perhaps I should say individuality. Look again at the seven lines you checked. I don’t know what these people do with “Only Begotten” or the “Procession” of the Spirit, or one of them speaking to another. In the study I am writing on the Incarnation, I preserve the distinction among the three Persons by arguing that although each is omniscient, they do not know, i.e. they cannot assent, the same set of propositions. The Second Person can know and say, “I became incarnate.” The Father cannot say this. The Father can say, “I begot the Son.” The Son begot nothing. What these modalists say on these points, I do not know. But it seems to me that the One Person would have to assert all these propositions, and to my mind that is plain nonsense.

For those interested in pursuing the doctrinal aspect of this debate further, I highly recommend Doug Douma's book The Grand Old Doc, in which he engages Tipton on this point (particularly, pgs. 115-117 and an apropos citation of John Murray).

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The Clark Debate, The Calvin Forum, and the Intellect of Man 4 Apr 2024 11:40 PM (last year)

I recently read a few references to Gordon Clark in The Calvin Forum, a periodical which ran from 1935-1956. One such instance is the following which was written by Richard W. Gray, a member of five-person committee that was commissioned by the twelfth general assembly "TO CONSIDER THE DOCTRINAL PORTION OF THE COMPLAINT OF CERTAIN MEMBERS OF THE PRESBYTERY OF PHILADELPHIA." Gray writes: 

A caucus of leaders had met prior to the First General Assembly. Those leaders included Dr. Machen and certain men involved in the present controversy. These men were zealous for a pure Calvinistic church as is manifest by the series of articles to which Mr. Heerema referred, "The Reformed Faith and Modern Substitutes." This caucus picked Dr. Gordon H. Clark to nominate Dr. Machen. At that time his differences with Dr. Cornelius Van Til were well known, as those who were students at Westminster Seminary at that time can testify. Prior to that time his article, "Determinism and Responsibility," which is the basis for one of the four parts of the Complaint lodged against him, had been printed in The Evangelical Quarterly (January, 1932). That those views which were then looked upon as differences within the orbit of the Reformed Faith should today be Complained against as opposed to "some of the most central doctrines of the Christian faith" is, I repeat, strange.

If that can be explained on the basis of the impossibility of bringing to light the views of all the men in the place of leadership in the early days, here are some more recent facts which the average observer of the controversy in the OPC finds difficult to reconcile. 
In May of 1941, Dr. Clark at the invitation of the faculty of Westminster Seminary delivered the Commencement Address. Anyone who knows the care with which the Reformed testimony of that institution is jealously guarded is confused by the fact that less than three years later some of his views are challenged because it is alleged they vitiate some of the central doctrines of the Christian faith. 
Finally, in November, 1943, less than a year before the views of Dr. Clark were challenged, his article, "On the Primacy of the Intellect," appeared in the Westminster Theological Journal, a periodical edited for the faculty of Westminster Seminary. Strange indeed did it sound to hear Dr. Van Til charge on the floor of the General Assembly that this article of Dr. Clark's assumed a Greek rather than a Christian view of the position of man's intellect. This article, which formed part of the basis for another fourth of the Complaint, appeared in a journal dedicated to the purpose of promoting the interests of the Reformed Faith and edited on behalf of several of the Complainants. 
For these paradoxes I am offering no solution. I am simply stating that they are part of the historical record which is the background of the present controversy. And I think it is safe to add that they have contributed to the perplexity of the situation in the Orthodox Presbyterian Church.  

I had never heard that differences between Van Til and Clark were well-known as early as 1936. That would indeed beg the question as to why Clark was invited to speak at WTS commencements and write in the WTJ. Given the similarity in origin of WTS and the OPC, it would be hard to understand an argument that the first 15 years of WTS had a lower bar for Reformed input than those standards by which prospective OPC ministers were measured.

I was also unaware that a caucus of men voted for Clark to nominate Machen as the first OPC GA moderator. From the records of The Presbyterian Guardian, it appears John Murray was one of the men in said caucus, as it is he who authored numerous articles by the title of "The Reformed Faith and Modern Substitutes" (and, as Gray says, was also a complainant). This is interesting in that John Muether writes that Arthur Kuschke told him the 1940s ordeal is "better described as the Clark-Murray debate" as opposed to Clark-Van Til (Cornelius Van Til: Reformed Apologist and Churchman, pg. 107).

The statement by Gray is from just one from a series of exchanges between he and Edward Heerema in The Calvin Forum during 1946-1947. The back-and-forth covers several topics, one of which is (in contemporary times) a relatively undiscussed portion of The Complaint:
Dr. Clark does not deny the necessity or the fact of regeneration but he makes no absolute qualitative distinction between the knowledge of the unregenerate man and the knowledge of the regenerate man. With the same ease, the same “common sense”, the unregenerate and the regenerate man can understand propositions revealed to man (p. 20; 28:13-16; 31:13-17; 34:13-35:2).

The clear implication is that the complainants believed that unregenerates cannot "understand propositions revealed to man." Here is Clark's own response to this charge in The Answer:

If the complainants had quoted these passages from the transcript instead of merely referring to them, everyone could have seen that all but the last have nothing to do with the matter of regeneration, and that the last is contradictory to their assertion. The discussion had entered on the proposition “two times two equals four.” Dr. Clark had asserted that any man who knows this proposition knows it by means of the definitions of the numbers and by the laws of logic. Then the transcript continues: “Q. Where do we get those laws of logic? A. ‘Every man that cometh into the world.’ (Obviously the transcript omits part of the quotation.) Q. Is it possible that by the effective sin, man will not be able to deduce by the propositions concerning God? A. That is often the case.” In other words, the complainants imply that Dr. Clark holds that regeneration does not renew the mind or that sin has not affected it; whereas Dr. Clark said specifically that sin often causes men to commit logical fallacies. Thus the complainants cite evidence that is not only irrelevant, but also evidence that contradicts their charge. Some further study of the knowledge of a regenerate man and of an unregenerate man might prove profitable, but the subject can be accorded only the briefest mention. Both the regenerate and the unregenerate can with the same ease understand the proposition, Christ died for sinners. Regeneration, in spite of the theory of the Complaint, is not a change in the understanding of these words. The difference between the regenerate and the unregenerate lies in the fact that the former believes the proposition and the latter does not. The regenerate acknowledges Christ as Lord; the other does not. The one is a willing subject; the other is a rebel. Regeneration is not necessarily a change in understanding propositions. An unregenerate man may understand the proposition “Christ died for sinners,” but far from knowing it to be true, he thinks it to be false. Strictly speaking he knows only that “the Scriptures teach Christ died for sinners.” When he is regenerated, his understanding of the proposition may undergo no change at all; what happens is that he now accepts as true what previously he merely understood. He no longer knows merely “the Scriptures teach Christ died for sinners”; he now knows “Christ died for sinners.”

While that may suffice as a refutation, at the same time, it may also be of help to provide more information on the subsequent historical events with an aim to set a fuller context for just what was important about the 1940s OPC debate. Last year, I wrote quite a long post on the question of intellectual "understanding" as well as the distinct question of whether unregenerates can "know" truth (link). 

Since then, I've come across further details. Something of a side note the The Calvin Forum is that Fled Klooster's 1951 dissertation on The Incomprehensibility of God in the Orthodox Presbyterian Conflict makes an elementary blunder on this subject. Klooster writes:

Clark holds that the proposition and the knowledge of the proposition are identical. Therefore since the proposition as an object of knowledge is the same for both God and man, their knowledge of that particular proposition in its minimal significance is also identical. The knowledge a regenerate man has of the proposition, "Christ died for our sins’, is also the same as that which an unregenerate may have. The only difference is that the regenerate believes it and appropriates it. Therefore even the knowledge an unregenerate man has of the proposition, Christ died for our sins, can be identical with God's knowledge of that proposition.

Notice that Clark never held that “Christ died for our sins” is something that unregenerates can know. One only has to read "The Answer" carefully to see that Clark held, "unregenerate man may understand the proposition “Christ died for sinners,” but far from knowing it to be true, he thinks it to be false."

Thus, Klooster makes a double mistake in 1) conflating Christ's dying for "our sins" (about which Clark never spoke in the context of unregenerates) with Christ's dying for "sinners" and 2) supposing Clark believed that unregenerates know the proposition "Christ died for sinners" (because unregenerates do not believe said proposition, Clark points out they cannot "know" it).

Returning to Gray's reference to a speech in which Clark silenced his critics, more information would be possible were it not for the unfortunate pragmatism that the minutes of church assemblies can be only so detailed. For example, the Thirteenth General Assembly of the OPC does not contain any record of Gray's following account which took place during said assembly: 

While much of the discussion has been too abstruse for the average person, one statement of Dr. Clark's has been widely quoted as. a simple and clear evidence of his "error." I refer to the words, "regeneration is not necessarily a change in understanding propositions" (such as "Christ died for sinners"). On the floor of the assembly Dr. Clark silenced the criticism of this statement by quoting from Berkhof's formulation of historical faith and James Buchanan's work on the Holy Spirit.  

It would be helpful to have the references Gray had in mind, and I'll return to this question below. 

Now, as I mentioned above, Gray was corresponding (sparring might be a better adjective) with Edward Heerema, a minister and son-in-law of R. B. Kuiper, an original signer of "The Complaint." Here is how Heerema replied to Gray's statement:

At one point Prof. R. B. Kuiper declared that a vote favoring Dr. Clark would not end the "Clark case'', as some had indicated in their remarks, but would rather for him be only the beginning, as he would fight for these "precious" doctrines to his dying breath... 
In his letter Mr. Gray asserts that on a particular point Dr. Clark "silenced" the criticism by quoting from two well-known authors. Whether Dr. Clark actually "silenced" his critics on this important point still remains to be seen, of course. 
It seems Heerema himself was not content to remain silent, for while there is no record (of which I'm aware) of an engagement with Clark's sources, he wrote a book called Whither the Orthodox Presbyterian Church? which, as reported by John Muether, "contained the absurd claim that Clark was an Arminian" (Cornelius Van Til: Reformed Apologist and Churchman, pg. 107). While I don't have access to Heerema's book, it seems he explains his reasoning in the April 1947 edition of The Calvin Forum: 

Men who take such a faulty and weak attitude toward the autonomous will of man that lies at the heart of Arminianism can be expected to have little trouble with Dr. Clark's notion of the autonomous intellect of man. The careful biblical theologian has always looked upon any concession to the autonomy of man as the theological poison. Views such as. those described above are quite out of harmony with Reformed theology's unqualified attitude on this fundamental and cardinal point. 
That Dr. Clark's theology has at its heart the conception of the autonomous intellect of man seems quite clear to the undersigned. He freely admits that he gets his definition of truth, not from exegetical considerations, but from "common sense." He has written that "regeneration ... is not a change in the understanding of these words (Christ died for sinners)." The same notion is imbedded in his article "On the Primacy of the Intellect" appearing in The Westminster Theological Journal of May, 1943. One of Dr. Clark's most ardent supporters is constantly stressing at every available opportunity that regenerate and unregenerate man have the knowing element (notitia) of saving faith in common, without distinction. 
It must be punctually observed that by no means all who voted in favor of Dr. Clark at the 1946 assembly subscribe to the views on Arminianism discussed above. Also, it must be noted that the above discussion must not be interpreted to indicate that Dr. Clark holds these views. Furthermore, I would not be understood as questioning the sincerity of the above-mentioned men in their profession of the Reformed faith. But that their views on the important matter in question are erroneous appears to the undersigned to admit of no serious doubt. 

This non sequitur by Heerema led to a response from Floyd Hamilton and Clark himself in the following issue. Clark's response to Heerema was terse:

Who these men are who hold to the autonomy of the will, I do not know. None of my friends hold such a view. But let them speak for themselves. 

What I wish particularly to make clear is that I do not and never have held to the autonomy of the intellect. Mr. Heerema's statement of my opinions is as far from the truth as it can possibly be. 

The unfortunate controversy about which Mr. Heerema writes would lose one of its unfortunate characteristics, if Mr. Heerema would determine what the truth is before he publishes his opinions. 

Hamilton's response is more extensive and covers a wider variety of issues than the subject of the regenerate or unregenerate intellect. I invite readers to peruse that on there own, but one valuable piece of information - which functions a something of a tangent to the foregoing - should not be missed: 

...this "program of action" was first conceived by four ministers in consultation on April 18th, a month after Clark had been passed for licensure by a large majority of presbytery. After sending out the first section in mimeographed form to a number of other ministers, suggestions were received, and it was put into final form, as quoted above, with the Specific Objectives added, on May 12th, 1944. Dr. Clark was licensed on July 7, 1944, and it was voted to ordain him, at that meeting. He was ordained shortly afterward. 

Mr. Heerema has put the cart before the horse in this matter. One of the factors that led to the formulation of the "program for action" was the determined opposition to Dr. Clark of the men who afterwards became the Complainants, at the March 20th, 1944, presbytery meeting. 

That is, Hamilton refutes something mentioned by Heerema in a previous issue: "that the 'program of action' to which Mr. Heerema refers (p. 196) was antecedent to the Clark Case." Hamilton's historical chronology helps correct a false caricature by Heerema regarding ulterior motives for Clark's ordination. 

It also serves to rectify the repetition of Heerema's mistake (and, frankly, glaring omission of Hamilton's correction) by Michael Hakkenburg in "The Battle over the Ordination of Gordon H. Clark, 1943-1948" (Pressing Toward the Mark, pgs. 343ff.), which John Muether once called "the best treatment of the Clark controversy" (link). Heerema backpedaled rather quickly in the next issue:
In this connection I wish to make a correction. In a previous letter (November 1946) I stated that "there were those who sought the ordination of Dr. Clark for the express purpose of gaining his ability and prestige to further a particular program of action in the church." In private correspondence some of Dr. Clark's most persistent supporters have disavowed such a motivation. I must recognize this disavowal, and am therefore glad to withdraw this particular statement regarding the attitude expressed in the "program for action" and accompanying correspondence. 
Sadly, Hakkenburg also fails to recognize this withdrawal. While the article is relatively nuanced, these exclusions lead him to a framing of the events of the 1940s that does not include important and relevant facts.
 
Heerema further responded to Hamilton and Clark with a blatant obfuscation: "I was not saying that any man in the O.P.C. held to 'the autonomy of the will'." I suppose an apology would have been too much to ask for? On the contrary, Heerema doubled-down and contradicted himself within the span of two paragraphs!

...both Mr. Hamilton and Dr. Clark reject my statements attributing to Dr. Clark a "notion of the autonomous intellect of man". Permit me to present one quotation from the Answer (to the original Complaint), and I shall let the reader decide the issue for himself. This is the quotation: "Both the regenerate and the unregenerate can with the same ease understand the proposition, Christ died for sinners. Regeneration, in spite of the theory of the Complaint, is not a change in the understanding of these words. The difference between the regenerate and the unregenerate lies in the fact that the former believes the proposition and the latter does not. The regenerate acknowledges Christ as Lord, the other does not. The one is a willing subject, the other is a rebel. Regeneration is not necessarily a change in understanding propositions. An unregenerate man may understand the proposition 'Christ died for sinners', but far from knowing it to be true, he thinks it to be false. Strictly speaking he knows only that 'the Scriptures teach Christ died for sinners'. When he is regenerated, his understanding of the proposition may undergo no change at all; what happens is that he now accepts as true what previously he merely understood. He no longer knows merely 'the Scriptures teach Christ died for sinners'; he now knows 'Christ died for sinners'." (p. 32f.), (By an autonomous intellect the undersigned means an intellect which, as intellect, can function in the process of salvation without being affected in that function either by total depravity or regeneration. In either state the intellect can understand propositions of saving truth. It is autonomous, then, in that it functions under its own power, without needing the enabling power of divine grace to function as intellect in the process of salvation.)

It is as if Heerema et al. - for Heerema reports that John Murray "made it plain at the assembly that the O.P.C. cannot tolerate the views of Clark, Hamilton, et alii, on the question of the effects of sin and regeneration on the intellect of man" - were oblivious to James 2:19. To affirm one understands (or even believes!) true (and theological!) propositions is an entirely distinct issue from total depravity and salvation. Merely understanding a true proposition is clearly insufficient for ethical good and salvation. "Autonomy" is a red herring.

That Heerema reports Hamilton was not sent to Korea because "he had left doubt in the minds of those on the committee as to the accuracy of his views on the influence of sin and regeneration on the human intellect" is a shameful admission. It is yet another fact which Hakkenburg fails to report.

Finally, to return to the aforementioned curiosity regarding which references Gray alluded to in Clark's speech during the OPC's thirteenth general assembly, I wondered whether it might be possible to find what Clark quoted. The following are my guesses. From James Buchanan's The Office and Work of the Holy Spirit:

Being an appropriate means, adapted to the faculties of the human mind, there can be no reason to doubt that the Bible, like any other book, may convey much instruction to an unrenewed man. When it is affirmed that a natural man cannot know the things of the Spirit of God, it is not implied that the Bible is unintelligibly written, or that he cannot understand the sense and meaning of scriptural propositions, so as to be able to give a rational account of them; for he may investigate the literal meaning of Scripture, and, in doing so, may attach a definite idea to many of its statements - may be able to see their mutual relations - to reason upon them, and even to expound them; and yet, in the scriptural sense, he may be in darkness notwithstanding. There are truths in the Bible which admit of being recognized, and even proved by natural reason, 'for the things of a man may be known by the spirit of man which is in him;' and even 'the things of the Spirit,' when revealed, may be so far understood as to affect and impress the mind which is nevertheless unconverted... 
The natural man is capable of acquiring, by the use of his rational faculties, such an acquaintance with the truths of God's Word as is sufficient to make him responsible for his treatment of it. Not to enlarge upon other points, let us take the doctrine which affirms the darkness of the human understanding, and the necessity of the enlightening grace of the Holy Spirit, which is often supposed to destroy the grounds of human responsibility in this respect; unless he be taught of God, he cannot have such an experimental knowledge of that doctrine as belongs to the exercised believer, and probably he will not submit to it; but it is stated, nevertheless, in plain intelligible language. He cannot read his Bible without being made aware that it contains this truth, nor can he exercise his understanding upon it, without acquiring some general knowledge of its import; and that knowledge, although neither spiritual nor saving, is amply sufficient as a ground of moral obligation. And farther, he may also learn from the same source, and in the same way, how it is that the enlightening grace of the Spirit is obtained, for he cannot read such passages as these: 'If any man lack wisdom, let him ask of God, who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not, and it shall be given him;' and, 'If ye, being evil, know how to give good gifts unto your children, how much more will your Father in heaven give the Holy Spirit to them that ask him? - he cannot read such passages as these without forming some notion of prayer as the means by which his natural darkness may be dispelled; and if, notwithstanding his clear natural perception of such doctrines, he either refuses to believe them, or persists in neglecting prayer for the Holy Spirit, he must be dealt with hereafter on a very different principle, and tried by a very different rule of judgment from that which alone is applicable to those who have no Bible to teach them, or no rational mind to be taught. You cannot have sat under a Gospel ministry for years without acquiring such knowledge as is abundantly sufficient to lay you under the most weighty responsibilities... 

In Berkhof's The History of Christian Doctrines, my best guess is that Clark may have cited the following:

It asserted the doctrine of original sin in the strict sense of the word. Since Adam was the legal representative of all his descendants, the guilt of his first sin is imputed to them, and in consequence the corruption of human nature is also propagated to them. They are totally corrupt, that is, corrupt in every part of their being and so corrupt that they cannot do any spiritual good and cannot make a single effort to restore the broken relationship with God. At the same time the Canons also say: "There remain, however, in man since the fall, the glimmerings of natural light, whereby he retains some knowledge of God, of natural things, and of the difference between good and evil, and discovers some regard for virtue, good order in society, and for maintaining an orderly external deportment. But so far is this light of nature from being sufficient to bring him to a saving knowledge of God, that he is incapable of using it aright even in things natural and civil." III and IV, Art 4. 

Regeneration is regarded as strictly monergistic, and not at all as the work of God and man. Without regenerating grace no one can turn to God, and none can accept the offer of salvation apart from an efficient act of God founded on election. Yet salvation is offered in all seriousness to all who hear the Gospel on condition of faith and repentance. They who are lost will have only themselves to blame.

For readers who find this time period as fascinating as I do, I've recently written some thoughts on the alethiology of Clark and the complainants as well as on the seeming irrelevance of an "archetype-ectype" distinction to the 1940s debate here. Several of my posts include references to some as-yet unpublished material written by Clark. 

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Original Sin, Guilt, Traducianism, and Eastern Orthodoxy 4 Apr 2024 12:07 AM (last year)

The following is an expansion of a criticism of Eastern Orthodoxy I have only touched on elsewhere: original sin. It seems several Eastern Orthodox adherents prefer to call it "ancestral" sin. In some cases, there is a complete lack of understanding, such as can be seen in this video (the first video that shows up if you search for "original sin eastern orthodox" on Youtube), which is explained by a Ph.D. and priest:

...we have this development, this theological development which is based on this erroneous concept but we also have among the Reformers John Calvin who embraced a lot of the Augustinian concepts including predestination and he also embraced the understanding of Original Sin and the transmission of sin and guilt and the responsibility of Adam based on Augustine's understanding and that has been the case until this day for those who have followed the Calvinist understandings. Of course in the Orthodox Church this is not even a topic to be discussed because we do not see any such possibility of transmission of sin and guilt and responsibility in any possible way.
Perry Robinson similarly writes (link):
For the Orthodox, original sin pertains only to Adam’s transgression, and is not something that his descendants inherit from him. What we get from Adam is corruption and death, which lead us to sin, and separate us from God, in that we live in death.
This is not even remotely in the same league as intramural debates amongst Reformed theologians such as is found in George P. Hutchinson's fantastic work, The Problem of Original Sin in American Presbyterianism. Perhaps this would be less of a problem if the ignorance weren't so seemingly prevalent. 

Or take the following from the introduction to another priest's (Romanides') book, The Ancestral Sin:
Now we sin because we die, for the sting of death is sin. Sin reigns in death, in our corruptibility and mortality. Death is the root; sin is the thorn that springs from it.

This completely reverses cause and effect (Romans 6:23). I've also seen several Eastern Orthodox apologists appeal to John Chrysostom (Romanides and Eastern Orthodox apologists who disagree with Romanides - it seems there may be something of an intramural debate). Chrysostom says (link):

Seeing their children bearing punishment proves a more grievous form of chastisement for the fathers than being subject to it themselves.
Without fail, I find that Eastern Orthodox apologists deny original guilt. But then how is it that they think children may justly bear the punishment for another's sins? Whether Chrysostom himself believed this point is irrelevant. Hutchinson and the Reformed tradition deal with this question directly. Eastern Orthodox apologists seem barely aware of it. And those who are aware of it seem to ignore it! 

On this note, it's helpful to see engagement between theologians or apologists of different traditions. An example may be found in Original Sin and the Fall: Five Views. In it, Oliver Crisp responds to the Eastern Orthodox presentation (Andrew Louth, priest and Ph.D.) with the following on pg. 184:
In the context of expounding the doctrine of ancestral sin in terms of a web of human sinfulness going all the way back to our first parents, he raises the issue of whether this is sufficient as an account of sin. As he puts it, for defenders of original sin, like myself, the ancestral sin view “seems to leave open the possibility (even if totally exceptional) of someone living a blameless life.” And this, of course, is the fundamental worry Augustine had with Pelagius’s doctrine. The problem is, Louth never really addresses this objection to his position head on. He never explains how the Orthodox doctrine of ancestral sin can avoid the traditional Augustinian objection that it leaves conceptual room for the existence of someone that is, for all practical purposes, without sin. This, it seems to me, is a serious lacuna in his presentation.
Note that Louth himself brings up the possibility of all people who are subject to original sin as living blameless lives and then proceeds to cite Mary as a case in which such a possibility actually happens. Even setting aside the problems with Marian devotion and the possibility that all men subject to original sin might refrain from choosing to sin, the immediate point is that Eastern Orthodox apologists think those who are subject to original sin are guiltless subjects of punishment. In the case of Christ - who voluntarily laid down His life - a case can be made that experience of punishment can just. The same cannot be said if our subjection to original sin is involuntary.

Rather than squarely facing this problem, Louth merely notes it and moves on as if it were a mere curiosity. From the same book, the following criticisms of Louth by another contributor are even better than Crisp's (pg. 172):
On a final note, the corruption-only position of ancestral sin is a flawed doctrine; it discounts the truths of imputation (and realism) implied in passages like Romans 5:12-21 and 1 Corinthians 15:21-22 as well as the broader doctrinal synthesis of the whole Bible on which imputed guilt rests (see my marks to Crisp). I ask Louth, Are there any human beings apart from Christ who were perfectly sinless? Answering yes would suggest he has a defective hamartiology and Christology. Scripture is clear that with the exception of Christ all humans are sinners (e.g., Rom 3:9-20; 1 Jn 1:8); if we presume there were any sinless people, as perfectionists have claimed, such naiveté detracts from the glory of the incarnation and belittles the gravity of sin. I suspect Louth agrees. In that case, it must be our inherited corruption that makes sinning inevitable. But then how is this scenario just? Since no human is responsible for innate corruption, in his view, and since that same corruption leads inevitably to sin, it is unclear how ancestral sin fares any better than original guilt. The concerns surrounding divine justice remain.
Now, Hutchinson's book shows the Reformed view has its own, intramural debates regarding just how it is Adam's ancestors can be considered guilty. I've defended a realist view most extensively here (see also here and here where I engage with different Reformed theologians who disagree with it).

What might be helpful, however, is to draw comparisons to theologians whom Eastern Orthodox apologists respect. Even though their views don't align with mine in every facet, such might anticipate the more typical apologetic concerns that Eastern Orthodox apologists seem to have about the Reformed view as well as facilitate conversation. Discussing the view of Maximus the Confessor, for example, Marcelo Souza writes:
In Christ, the natural will is rooted in his concrete human nature, not an abstract human nature (as some modern philosophers of religion, who reject dyothelitism, haver argued).
This is a helpful point of departure in that it tracks with the sort of theological and anthropological metaphysics I (link) as well as other Protestants agree (as Souza himself notes; e.g. link): Christ has His own, concretely distinctive soul and body. He was, of course, consubstantial with us, but theologians like John of Damascus acknowledge a distinction between the concrete humanity of Christ and that of everyone else. He writes:
And we cannot, if we wish to be accurate, speak of Christ as having judgment (γνώμη) and preference. For judgment is a disposition with reference to the decision arrived at after investigation and deliberation concerning something unknown, that is to say, after counsel and decision. And after judgment comes preference, which chooses out and selects the one rather than the other. But the Lord being not mere man but also God, and knowing all things, had no need of inquiry, and investigation, and counsel, and decision, and by nature made whatever is good His own and whatever is bad foreign to Him.

John of Damascus is referring to what Eastern Orthodox theologians describe as the "gnomic will," a term particularly associated with Maximus the Confessor. Joseph P. Farrell describes it as a "mode of employment of the will" (link). Ian McFarland writes (In Adam's Fall, pg. 112):

Maximus draws a parallel between the natural and gnomic wills on the one hand, and the capacity to speak and the act of speaking on the other... Some monothelites rejected the ascription of a human will to Christ on the grounds that it would imply ignorance (see OTP 19 [PG91:216B – C]). The terms of Maximus’ dyothelitism imply not so much a flat - out rejection of this charge as its deflection by conceding that ignorance is a feature of gnomic will but denying that Christ willed gnomically. To put it another way, from Maximus’ perspective the monothelite charge rests on a failure to recognize that gnome refers to a tropos rather than the logos of the will. 

The idea is that while Christ is consubstantial with the rest of humanity - having the same nature and natural will as we do - the rest of mankind has a mode or tropos or manner or way of will[ing] that Christ did not. As McFarland says (In Adam's Fall, pg. 105):

...a given logos may be instantiated according to a range of possible tropoi. The full humanity of the will is thus unaffected by whether the tropos by which it operates is gnomic deliberation or the immediate presence of God characteristic of deification.

Let us now consider a Reformed engagement with Eastern Orthodox apologists. Given what has been said, McFarland points out (In Adam's Fall, pg. 107):

...while Maximus’ understanding of postlapsarian human willing neither envisages nor requires Augustine’s vision of a fallen humanity unable to avoid sin, it certainly allows for it. If the integrity of the will remains intact when we become unable to sin in glory (as both he and Augustine affirm), there seems nothing inherently problematic about affirming that genuine agency is preserved in circumstances where sinning is unavoidable. 

Satan is an example of an agent who unavoidably sins. So what prevents a Reformed Christian making use of a concept of mode of will[ing] such that in concrete cases (viz. everyone except Christ), "sinning is unavoidable"? 

[As an aside, I don't think McFarland is suggesting that unavoidability implies determinism: we might imagine one's freely (in the libertarian sense) choosing from amongst various, sinful alternatives. On the other hand, it is possible for sin to be predestined (e.g. 1 Kings 22:20-23, Acts 4:27-28).]

Or take an Eastern Orthodox apologist like Jay Dyer, who says: "Christ has not possessed a corrupted, defective will - we do... He's not subject to the corruption that comes through the procreation of man through seminal means." (link). 

A Reformed Christian might say the same. Indeed, traducians like Samuel Baird have argued along these lines. Romanides suggests that the early church "writers regarding the fall and salvation incline strongly toward the theory of traducianismus." The concrete soul of a child is paternally traduced, and this functions to explain why our mode of will[ing] is unlike Christ's (and, for that matter, unlike prelapasarian Adam).

Of course, a point of disanalogy would be that the Reformed position thinks our "corrupted, defective will" entails more than the Eastern Orthodox position, and this might return us to the subject of punishment, original guilt, participation in Adam's sin, and divine justice. But the immediate point is that on both Eastern Orthodox and Reformed positions, it is possible for Christ to be consubstantial with us yet not subject to [certain effects of] original sin.

I believe the foregoing anwers one further counterargument. Joseph P. Farrell writes:

...nature and its properties as created by God, are good. The natural will thus chooses nothing but the good. Opposition to the divine will is thus always in the evil mode of the employment of the will, and is thus always personal. And this in turn means that free choice is not ultimately concerned with a dialectic of opposition between the divine and human natures in Christ, or between evil and good choices in man himself.

Similarly, McFarland writes:

As promising as Maximus’ doctrine of the will may appear for shoring up Augustine’s understanding of original sin, however, further reflection suggests serious obstacles to any proposed marriage of the two theologies. As Augustine himself was very aware, the doctrine of original sin is credible only if the categories of nature (as God’s good creation) and will (as the source of creatures’ deviation from God) are kept distinct. But surely one of the consequences of Maximus’ integration of will and nature is to render this sort of distinction untenable: if sin is a function of the will (viz., its deviation from God’s will for the creature), and the operation of the will is simply an expression of human nature, then the doctrine of original sin (viz., the assertion that the will is congenitally opposed to God) seemingly implies that human nature as such has become evil. It follows either that God is not the creator of human nature (the Manichean position), or, worse, that God –precisely as the creator of human nature – is also the creator of sin.

In the case of Farrell, my first response would be to point out that the natural will qua natural will does not choose anything. Persons enhypostatize natures. A natural will outlines a capacity one has in virtue of his nature. For Farrell to say "The natural will thus chooses nothing but the good" conflates nature with person, because only persons choose.

Ignoring this slip, there is the question of the natural will itself, discussion of which performs the double-duty of responding to Farrell and McFarland simultaneously. What capacity or capacities does the natural will entail (in the context of anthropology)? The simplest answer seems to be that the natural will affords man the capacity to will, act, or choose. This capacity is distinct from the voluntary exercise of will, act, or choice. This capacity is also distinct from that to which one might be disposed to choose. Sin is not a substance, but neither are volitional natures morally neutral in terms of disposition.

[Parenthetically, one might easily expand this discussion on human nature to encompass our rationality. Both the rational and volitional seem to be rooted in one's concrete humanity, viz. one's spirit or soul. What I've said regarding a distinction between a natural will vs. its employment/disposition would analogously apply to a distinction between a so-called natural rationality vs. its employment/disposition. 

Thus, these are two capacities of one nature. In no sense did the Fall destruct our capacity to capacity to think, will, act, or choose. On other other hand, our mode of disposition and action - in obedience or rebellion to God - was mutable.] 

This finally turns us to the fact that God created Adam and Eve good. Of course, God created everyone good. Does this entail that the orientation of one's natural will can only towards the good, as Farrell seems to want to suggest? If so, then why isn't it possible for Satan (for example) to employ his will towards the good?

On the other hand, how does the Reformed position avoid McFarland's point regarding anthropological Manicheanism? If the orientation of a concrete human nature might be to rebel against God, how could this be? As has been mentioned, traducianism seems to solve the dilemma. McFarland seems to assume that this is not a live option - as if the concrete humanities (souls and bodies) of Adam's progeny are created ex nihilo. While John of Damascus is taken to be a creationist, consideration of the following is still useful (link):

...generation means that the begetter produces out of his essence offspring similar in essence. But creation and making mean that the creator and maker produces from that which is external, and not out of his own essence, a creation of an absolutely dissimilar nature....Wherefore all the qualities the Father has are the Son's, save that the Father is unbegotten, and this exception involves no difference in essence nor dignity, but only a different mode of coming into existence. We have an analogy in Adam, who was not begotten (for God Himself moulded him), and Seth, who was begotten (for he is Adam's son), and Eve, who proceeded out of Adam's rib (for she was not begotten). These do not differ from each other in nature, for they are human beings: but they differ in the mode of coming into existence.

After contrasting begetting and creating, he says Adam begot Seth. This implies Adam produced out of his essence an offspring similar in essence. If we highlight that it was out of Adam's concrete humanity that Seth was begotten, we are closer to a biblical and reasonably motivated model on which: 

1. Christ was consubstantial with the rest of humanity yet, unlike them, not subject to [the effects of] original sin.

2. Adam's ancestors are justly punished for having guiltily participated in the original transgression.

3. The Fall did not destruct the image of God in man yet did put us in a terrible mode of need for conformity to Christ's image.

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The Super-Sufficiency of Christianity 19 Mar 2024 9:38 AM (last year)

 A few months ago, I wrote:

...we should always keep in mind that we have no control over how others will respond to our engagement with them. And we can't forcibly change one's ethical orientation. Nevertheless, we can always do something. Calvinism is not fatalism, and what we do makes a difference. Thinking about or planning for different situations before they happen helps one to be prepared to actually follow through when it comes time to make good (whether proactive or responsive). The less we reflect, the more apt we may be to hesitate on how to rightly respond when particular opportunities arise for exemplifying particular fruits of the Spirit. 
Regardless of how others (or even we) respond, all things Christians experience have been ordained for a reason. The Spirit will use our experience to some end that is good for us, others, or both - even if, in the moment, we don't understand how. I tend to try to live with Romans 8:28 in the back of my mind, and it saves me from anxiety. In fact, my struggle is less with assurance (keeping the big picture in mind) and more with daily application (focusing on immediate needs). I tend to need to set conscious, proximate goals for myself or make little progress. My weakness may be another's strength and vice versa: each of us needs the support of others (Hebrews 10:24-25). (link)

Reformed Christians are often asked how they balance God's sovereignty and man's responsibility: if God is in control of all things, does what I do make a difference? Or: if God's grace is sufficient to work through the weakest means, then is there a "need" for me to worry about how I present the gospel to others?

As I mentioned in the post from last year, we should have assurance that God is able to use our most meagre of efforts for good. Even so, Christians should not neglect the importance of sanctificatory progress (such as in one's apologetic or evangelizing, although one might of course extend this to all areas of our lives). We should always pattern ourselves after the work of our God.

Christianity is a religion of super-sufficiency. Our God Himself is wholly sufficient for us, yet with how much more are we gifted? His grace extends far beyond our needs. Indeed, God has even ordained that the means by which we are ordinarily blessed is through His church. But this is already a surplus of divine favor!

Another example: we are all blessed each Lord's Day. What might have been a simple, sufficient reading of God's word is typically beautified homiletically, a clear product of the session's meditation upon God's word. A plain presentation of God's word would suffice for a sermon, but is it improper to say that we are more benefitted from a wise and didactically intentional application of it? I don't think so.

Surely we would agree our pastors don't think that the root of conviction in the minds of his congregants lies in his own efforts. The Holy Spirit works the conviction... through the preaching. That is, we wouldn't want to say the preaching was irrelevant to the conviction even while we acknowledge the Efficient Cause of its effectuality. I think that good efforts (such as a hard-worked sermon) tend to coincide with an increased manifestation of God's presence - even if not in the worker's own life (e.g. "the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church").

Likewise, I think a simple, sufficient defense of the faith might be rhetorically beautified. Is this "necessary" in all cases? "Need" and "necessity" is a function of context. Apologetics, for instance, can function as a means towards several ends: to stop the mouths of unbelievers, to persuade, to increase the psychological or epistemic assurance of believers, to solidify good habits, etc. Different contexts might relevantly bear on one's decision to speak or act differently.

Suppose one considers the different ways to speak or act in a given context but that in each scenario, he will speak the truth. Is consideration "unnecessary" under these conditions? I think framing the situation this way tends to dampen the recognition that Christianity is a religion of super-sufficiency. Are not the different ways in which one might speak or act relevant to the outcome - even while we believe that it is only due to the Spirit that anyone will be convicted of the truth? 

That we meet the needs of those around us is important. The way we meet the needs of those around us is important too.

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Sola Scriptura and "The Primacy of Revelation" 1 Mar 2024 7:49 AM (last year)

I was pleasantly surprised to hear James White use the word "Scripturalism" in his opening statement in a recent debate on sola scriptura with Trent Horn (link). He even seems to mean something pretty near to Clark's position: that Scripture is our ultimate epistemic authority - see minute mark 17:30-21:00. If more mainstream, Reformed apologists are willing to go this route, it would make more clear "the dividing line" (pardon the James White pun). [Side note: less pleasant was listening to White's final cross-examination answers from minute mark 1:42:00-1:46:20.]

A comment on my recent post on Eastern Orthodoxy noted a few, anecdotal examples of nominally Reformed Christian moving to Eastern Orthodoxy due to issues they took with the doctrine sola scriptura. That Protestants would be more aware of the centrality of sola scriptura (if not the nuances) does not surprise me. Most - if not all - heresies are traceable to a faulty understanding or doctrine of Scripture. After all, it is a rare person who would claim to understand a biblical doctrine as true, claim to accept it as true, and later reject said doctrine despite still regarding it as true. 

I noted in the above link and elsewhere that Eastern Orthodox apologists appear quite willing to borrow concepts or appropriate arguments made by Reformed theologians - far more so than Roman Catholics (at least in my experience). Even in the case of sola scriptura, you are unlikely to hear a Roman Catholic make a statement such as this, for example: 

Though I think much of Dr. Svendsen’s critique of Roman theology can often be polemical and bitter because he sees as a corrupt institution, he is undoubtedly right about his insistence on the primacy of revelation as this is probably the main point that also divides Orthodoxy from Rome... Svendsen’s approach to the question at hand and insistence that divine revelation be the paradigm is far more acceptable of how an Orthodox approach these questions.

This is not an isolated observation. I'm aware of other proponents of Eastern Orthodoxy who would likewise state acceptance of something along the lines of "a primacy of revelation." Similarly, Eastern Orthodox apologists tend to disapprove of "natural theology" (example). Is it any wonder that upon hearing these sorts of things, nominally Reformed or Protestant individuals - particularly, certain presuppositionalists who deny any and all epistemic or apologetic utility in natural theology - might find themselves more receptive to apologists whose positions are seemingly similar to their own? 

Again, what is often missing is nuance. For one thing, Michael Sudduth has argued fairly persuasively in The Reformed Objection to Natural Theology that some kind of natural theology was accepted among virtually all Reformed theologians until the 19th century (see most of chapter 1, here and here) . I hope to do a further post on this book in particular, as its distinctions and explanation of the functions of natural theology are helpful. In brief, though, I agree with finding a proper place for natural theology within one's worldview, as Gordon Clark also accepted (link). This may come as a surprise to some.

Another missing nuance in deconversion stories related to sola scriptura is that to state agreement on "the primacy of revelation" does not outline what the content of divine revelation is. For those who are mistakenly dissuaded of sola scriptura, it makes sense that Eastern Orthodoxy is viewed as a leading alternative (despite problems I've mentioned elsewhere) in light of the mess that is contemporary Roman Catholic apologetics. Just have a look at the comments here or the numerous examples of Roman Catholic cognitive dissonance here (particularly on the question of private judgment; cf. link). Talk about buyer's remorse!

But in turn, does Eastern Orthodoxy stand in any better position relative to Protestantism? Take the Synod of Jerusalem. Most Eastern Orthodox apologists would say the synod was not ecumenical. In this case, then, one would think that an Eastern Orthodox believer should agree that it may err and therefore is not to be made the rule of faith, or practice (cf. Westminster Confession of Faith, 31.4). 

Nevertheless, some Eastern Orthodox apologists would appeal to it as an external confirmation of the canon of Scripture (link), whereas others would disagree and hold to a different canon of Scripture (link). How is this to be explained? What would motivate an Eastern Orthodox apologist to appeal to a fallible synod? 

1) Is the idea that the Synod of Jerusalem is infallible after all? If so, then there is disagreement among Eastern Orthodox believers regarding the canon of "divine revelation" vis-a-vis what counts as an ecumenical council. Many apologetic arguments one finds against Protestantism would thereby cut against Eastern Orthodoxy. [Side note: that Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy disagree on which councils were ecumenical already begs this question.] 

2) Or is the idea that the Synod of Jerusalem is fallible but supports a particular understanding of the canon of Scripture? If so, one can understand why Eastern Orthodox believers who take seriously "the primacy of revelation" and have a different canon of Scripture than this synod would not gainsay the epistemic weight of what they regard as infallible in favor of the determinations of a fallible synod. 

3) If an Eastern Orthodox believer doesn't wish to appeal to the Synod of Jerusalem at all, how then does he know the canon of Scripture? So-called ecumenical councils never listed the books of Scripture. In fact, who is to say that one's opinion of the canon of Scripture won't differ from a future, allegedly infallible ecumenical council?

In each case, how is disagreement about the content of divine revelation supposed to be resolved? There is no infallible table of contents for the Eastern Orthodox believer any more than there is for the Protestant. The Protestant is simply more honest about this and, if nuanced, able to argue that such a fact is really irrelevant (link). 

Sola scriptura is a species of sola revelation. If the Eastern Orthodox apologists I've referenced are representative of the whole, then the principle difference between Protestantism and Eastern Orthodoxy is not so much "the primacy of revelation" but the content of it. In that case, though, one who deconverts from Protestantism due to perceived issues with sola scriptura but then goes ahead to accept another form of sola revelation has simply exchanged one set of presuppositions for another without meaningfully considering 1) whether what he thought were issues actually are, and 2) whether said issues would also apply to his newfound beliefs. The issue of "private judgment" never disappears, nor the need for self-authenticity. Protestantism just turns out to be more defensible because Protestants self-consistently accept as God-breathed only the sort of content that is described as God-breathed: holy writ (2 Timothy 3:16-17).

WCF 31.3 All synods or councils, since the apostles’ times, whether general or particular, may err; and many have erred. Therefore they are not to be made the rule of faith, or practice; but to be used as a help in both.

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Trinitarian and Anthropological Metaphysics 29 Feb 2024 7:33 PM (last year)

In the comments of a recent post, I was recently asked some challenging questions regarding Trinitarianism, Christology, and anthopology. In the past few years, I've mentioned several times the need for humility and balance when positing a doctrine of God (see here and pursuant links). On the one hand, I aim to do a better job of avoiding dogmatism on points of speculation. On the other hand, even in the case that answers to certain questions are underdetermined by biblical data, apologetic concerns warrant consideration of possibilities to prevent one's faith from being undercut. 

In what follows, my goal is to provide answers that are faithful to Scripture insofar as they are deducible from or coherent with it. Keeping in mind that this latter qualification - coherence - is a necessary but insufficient condition for truth, the questions I was asked will be indented:

I'm trying to also keep in my the Trinity, with the three persons united in one being. Being would be identical to nature (divine nature), would it not?

On the concept of "unity," this post would provide a helpful background for my own thoughts (excepting a few uncareful remarks in the final paragraph).

I don't think the Trinity are united "in one being" if that means persons are subsumed under nature. Don't get me wrong: natures don't exist without persons, and persons do not exist without natures. Yet insofar as "nature" or "being" discusses what is common to individuals, natures belong to and are predicated of persons, not persons to natures. "Enhypostasis" - nature is in the hypostasis. If persons were "in" natures, then Christ's having two natures would seem to imply Nestorianism.

Now, the members of the Trinity are consubstantial. In fact, I think the meaning of their being consubstantial is just the same as the meaning of you and I being consubstantial, although the manner of consubstantiality differs between Trinitarian members (eternal, necessary) and us as men (temporal, contingent). Regardless, they indeed are of the same nature. 

But I would balk at certain theories of divine simplicity that may be implicit in the phrasing of your question. That is, Trinitarian consubstantiality does not imply only one concrete nature. Recall that you mentioned mind is "indexed" to nature: if we subsumed the divine persons under or in a single, concrete divine nature, then, that would entail that there is just one divine mind. The problem with that - as you seem to recognize - is that it runs against biblical data suggesting the members have distinct, self-reflective thoughts (e.g. John 17). On that note:

So the mind of the Son would have self-referential propositions that the Father would not (e.g. "I am the eternally begotten one"), but that mind would not be coextensive with the person of the Son? What would be the remainder? Would it be something like the shared divine nature that extends beyond the self-referential thoughts of the mind?

While the mode of the Son's existence is eternal, He is also eternally begotten. Here is precisely where I think Clark, for example, went wrong: it is not merely that the Son thinks something of Himself that is different than His thought of the Father or Spirit; rather, this thought corresponds to something about the Son Himself. I argue Clark's rejection of the correspondence theory of truth in the 1940s led him to collapse persons into propositions/thoughts (link). I further argue I think Clark's reasons for rejecting it only pertain to a certain kind of correspondence theory of truth (link). 

What I am saying, then, is that the persons of the Trinity are not simply minds - and again, since you agree minds are "indexed" to nature, that would not constitute a differentiating principle between the individual Trinitarian persons anyway. Nor are the persons the thoughts of the mind (as if it is intelligible to suggest the divine persons are products of three minds?). On the contrary, the thoughts of the persons of the Trinity about themselves reflect or correspond to something unique about the way that they themselves are: unbegotton/originate, eternally begotten/generation, eternally spirated/process. Epistemological and ontological categories should not be collapsed. 

Also remember that in the original post on Clark and Nestorius, I was only attempting to provide a connotative definition of "person" in general. I was not talking individual persons/hypostases/subjects. For example, I think the Father, Son, Spirit, the angels, and humans are all "persons" because they have something in common: they each have a mind or minds. But this definition does not individuate any one individual "person" from any other. Well, that makes sense, for we agree that the having of a mind (or minds) is something properly belonging to the category of nature - not that we have the same nature as God, of course, but the overlap explains (at least partially) in what sense creaturely persons might be images of divine persons. 

So what individuates individual persons/hypostases/subjects? We might posit (as Clark did) that they can be individuated by their thoughts (of themselves). In a cursory analysis, this might be sufficient. But foundationally, note again that thoughts are products of thinkers. To the extent that an individual's thoughts of himself is relevant to this question, that to which the thoughts correspond - the individual himself - is all the more so. 

Let me suggest that an individual person is the correspondent of whatever may truly be predicated of him either timelessly (if His mode of existence is timeless, e.g. the Father) or at time t (if his given his mode of existence is temporal, e.g. an angel or human). What I "think" of myself is irrelevant, because my thoughts of myself are potentially false. Rather, true propositions about me (corresponding to my existence at time t) are those thoughts God thinks about me (corresponding to my existence at time t).

The above is perfectly intelligible to me. Even the case of Christ incarnate can be nuanced (example). Here is one catch, however: it suggests that the divine nature is concretized in the three persons. This should be obvious anyways if we accept a model of the Trinity on which each member of the Trinity has a distinct mind, but it should be noted. Not all (or even most) Trinitarian models would accept this. If we take Clark's definitions of thoughts/beliefs as involving volition, three concrete minds also entails three concrete wills.

Clark's own reasoning supports this, for he reject faculty psychology in the context of anthropology and Trinitarianism:

In the case of God, the simplicity of his reality should favor still more such a identification, rather than a development of divine faculty psychology. (April 3, 1937, Letter to J. Oliver Buswell)

A man is not a compound of three things, an intellect, a will, and an emotion. Each man is a single personality. (1943. On the Primacy of the Intellect. Westminster Theological Journal Vol. 5 No. 2, May. 182-195)

The question has to do with Ephesian 4 where it speaks of man’s mind being darkened. Well, I would include in the functions of mind the assent as well as the notitia, but I distinguish between the two functions. This is not faculty psychology, but it is two functions of the same spirit. (1977. A Defense of Christian Presuppositions in the Light of Non-Christian Presuppositions)

Just as in the post on "unity" I linked to above, these statements exhibit an internal inconsistency in Clark's thought. If the same spirit has two functions - assent and notitia or knowledge - then on what grounds could Clark affirm three distinct functions in one respect (self-knowledge) but not the other (assent)? If only the Son thinks "I am the Son," what does it mean to "think" if assent is not involved?

We can certainly differentiate the relationship between our persons to propositions we "know" (acquisitional, receptive) to the relationship between the Trinitarian persons and propositions they "know" (active, generative). In both cases, the objects of knowledge - truth-bearing propositions - are the same, although the psychological activity of "knowing" differs.

To reiterate, on the model I gravitate towards, the Trinitarian persons are consubstantial just as you and I are consubstantial. What it means for the divine nature to be "in" each person is the same, is true, and therefore corresponds to the existence of each person. There is just one "divine nature" that we conceptualize: all-wise, all-powerful, all-good, etc. Each member of the Trinity is all-wise, all-good, etc.

It's just that how consubstantiality cashes out is not in persons being found "in[side]" of a common nature but rather along the lines that a person who is a principle or "fount" (e.g. the Father; Adam) communicates his same nature to others who find their "origin" in him (e.g. the Son/Spirit; the rest of humanity). This bears on the unity of persons and explains the connection to traducianism, by the way, which I'll return to momentarily.

In the context of the Trinity, there is a necessary connection between the members. The property of the Father, the attributes of the divine nature He enhypostatizes, and mode of the communication of His divine nature to His Son and Spirit is such that the three persons 1) mutually depend on each other - for example, the Father is not who He is without His Son and Spirit - and 2) always act conjointly and agreeably. 

A comparison could reasonably be made between 1) three distinct knowers who distinctly and reflexively index the same, objective body of propositional meaning, and 2) three distinct operators or actors who necessarily produce one and the same conjoint operation or act (which, incidentally, includes the body of propositional meaning comprised of necessary and contingent truths).

A traducian friend of mine (Ken Hamrick) uses the language of "shared agency" to describe our participation in Adam's sin while the mode of "our" being was not yet (i.e. at the time of the Fall) as individuals but as the singular nature of Adam through which he sinned and out of whom we were not yet propagated as individuals (link). I agree with him, although how we think this analogizes to the Trinity differs. 

Ken would emphasize the numerical sameness of the spirit traduced to us and thereby argue for the numerical sameness of essence shared among the Trinity (link). I would emphasize that once we are propagated out of Adam, our possession of the same spirit is nevertheless concretely distinct and thereby argue that the Trinitarian persons exhibit an analogy to "shared agency" in the eternal communication of the divine nature through which the persons operate even as they are eternally individuated and individuals. As I mentioned at the outset, these are rather deep waters to stake out a dogmatic claim that one can confidently swim them. 

In either model - Ken's or mine - there is an analogy one could make between Trinitarianism and traducianism. There are also disanalogies in either case, of course. For Ken, whereas we have distinct, concrete natures (albeit inherited through our fathers once we are propogated out of them into a different mode of being, i.e. as individuals), the members of the Trinity would not. On my end, the manner of consubstantiality between the Father, Son, and Spirit would be eternal and grounded in their intrapersonal relations rather than temporal (such as my relation to my father). This interesting impasse at once suggests an argumentative parallel between Trinitarianism and traducianism regardless of which one of us is correct as well as that other reasons must be given for independent support for either of our positions.

I think my model goes some way in explaining biblical texts like John 17, the covenant of redemption, and the resonance between theology proper and anthropology. 

Further, on the subject of anthropology in general and traducianism in particular, I think this model (and Ken's) also avoids nominalism while affirming a realism in the contexts of original sin and justification which does not devolve into erroneous positions. For example, erroneous positions such as: 

1) one wherein Christ assumes a sinful nature (cf. uncareful statements of the doctrine of original sin), 

2) one wherein I am unjustly punished for sins which are really and completely alien to me (cf. representationalist theories of original sin), 

3) one wherein Christ assumes and glorifies a human nature under which all persons are said to be subsumed (cf. Eastern Orthodoxy and deification, despite the protestations of its apologists to believe that natures are in hypostases rather than the reverse), 

4) one wherein infused righteousness is argued as necessary for justification to be justly possible in this lifetime (cf. Roman Catholic apologists, although those who argue this are themselves inconsistent).

On several of these points, see here for more. Further potential advantages of this model are that it seems to cohere with other metaphysical ideas which have separate appeal: theistic propositional realism (i.e. divine conceptualism), a version of divine simplicity which allows for formal distinctions, an Aristotelian theory of universals, etc.

I've thought about this quite a lot, and while the above is not a full story, it's probably the best articulation I can come up with at the present. To your next question:

If by inheriting one's father's "spirit" means those immaterial attributes that he possesses (analogous to the material attributes one possesses), then I think I can get my mind around what "spirit" means. Just as our bodies are made from our parents's bodies without being identical to them, so our spirits are made from our parents's spirits without being identical to them.
But then what distinguishes mind and spirit, or are they the same?

I think they are the same. Christ assumed a body and a rational soul or spirit without assuming a person, so there is no Christological difficulty, at least. Ken has elsewhere suggested that the "spirit is the seat of the will regarding moral matters" (link), and I think this all dovetails with Clark's aforementioned thought that knowledge and assent are two functions of the same spirit.

Finally, I had written:

The separation of body and spirit is "death," and such is predicated of our persons; but so too is the separation of our spirit from the Spirit "death" also predicated of our persons... suggesting the relationship between man's body and his spirit is analogically related to the dependency of our spirit to God's Spirit?

Maybe all of this becomes simplified by looking at a case most Christians would agree with: Christians will be conscious in the intermediate state. Are these Christians still human? If so, then it appears that they just are, ontologically speaking, spirits. To say that the person experiences death is to say that his body has been separated from his spirit (i.e. himself). Men are not, ontologically speaking, composite beings, for although these spirits do normally have bodies, the separation of the normal unity between spirit and body does not ontologically change a person (spirit). Likewise, the separation of the designed unity between spirit and Spirit does not ontologically change a person (spirit). If physical death is not an ontological change, neither would be spiritual death.

Your question: 

As for the subsequent post wherein you discuss the intermediate state, have you considered also that our spiritual bodies may be of a different order than our physical bodies? Paul's statements about the natural body and spiritual body are puzzling. "Adam became a living being. The last Adam became a life-giving spirit." The first man was made of the earth from dust, the last man is from heaven. Is it not safe to say that even in our present state we not "fully human" but are "incomplete" because the body we were given (even Adam's sinless body) was only the seed of what will only be completed in the resurrection? So, it may be the case that there is no ontological change since the separation of the spirit from the body in death is part of the planned transformation from natural body to spiritual body (like the seed germinating).

Did you mean to ask whether it's possible that "even in our present state we [are] not "fully human" but are "incomplete""? If so, did the incarnate and yet-be-glorified Son assume a fully human nature? Further, when this Son died and was buried (prior to His resurrection), was He fully human or not? Surely the former. 

I would also keep in mind the question of whether or not the reprobate are fully human: they will experience a bodily resurrection too, but their spirit remains severed from the life-giving Spirit of God and, thus, experience a second death. These points cumulatively suggest that death entails no change in nature.

Now, my original comment was about whether is ontological change at the time of death. Here, on the other hand, I am here emphasizing that there is never a change to the human essence each of us has. Ontology is indeed a broader category than humanity, I just wanted to answer your specific questions by distinguishing between an eschatological telos and a change in nature.

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East of Eden 23 Feb 2024 6:56 AM (last year)

Some time ago, I answered a question on what might draw nominally Reformed Christians to Eastern Orthodoxy. Other points could also be made, but this provides some perspective for those thinking about how to engage with Eastern Orthodoxy and its apologists:

1. Ecclesiastically, Eastern Orthodoxy is less centralized than Rome yet still has a hierarchy, meaning there isn't as much of a barrier to entry to the former as to the latter.

2. Because Eastern Orthodoxy is less centralized (and, in the U.S., less prominent), it is less apparent to outsiders how the inside truly looks or operates, warts and all. This is all the more true when I hear of Eastern Orthodoxy congregations which experience functional segregation due to distinctive cultural backgrounds of said congregants (read: Galatians 2). It is easy to romanticize the unfamiliar.

Further, Rome's councils and popes are constantly in the news as going the way of modernism. I don't read much news, but from what I see, Eastern Orthodoxy isn't as exposed. Former insiders to Eastern Orthodoxy (e.g. Joshua Schooping; see his free ebook here) are relatively unknown - at least, they unknown prior to one's converting to Eastern Orthodoxy - and becoming aware of such insiders after one converts might be too late (rationalizations set in). This is not unique to Eastern Orthodoxy, but they are not immune to it either.

3. Eastern Orthodox apologists and theologians largely stake their position on appeals to ecumenical councils or theologians whose theology is said to ground statements by ecumenical councils (Athanasius, the Cappadocians, Cyril of Alexandria, Maximus, John of Damascus, and Palamas being most prominent, if I am not mistaken).

Examples of fallacies to watch out for: because they are called ecumenical councils, they must be biblical councils. Equally fallacious: because some ecumenical councils are biblically grounded, one must accept that all others are too.

On the point of tradition, church history, etc., just like anyone else, people who claim to be Reformed can fall suspect to attempts to excuse their prior ignorance. For example: "church history is not in monolithic support of Reformed theology; I must have been ignorant/tricked; there must be a true monolith that is different from my prior (Reformed) conception." This is a non sequitur, but more importantly, the reason the fallacy occurs in the first place is because people have a false, a priori impression of how church history is supposed to look (monolithic). This assumption is the root of the problem; a symptom is to elevate historical theology above exegetical theology.

Of course, Reformed theology as such isn't anti-historical, although Reformed individuals could do a better job of having awareness of and emphasizing important events in church history on which we might find agreement with Eastern Orthodoxy (e.g. Christology, Trinitarianism). In principle, however, these are not distinctives which mark off Eastern Orthodoxy. Rather, I find those distinctives which do mark off Eastern Orthodoxy to be problematic (e.g. anthropology and theology proper; cf. link).

4. I have noticed recently that Eastern Orthodox apologists are willing to copy, for example, Reformed presuppositionalism. Despite the fact they are inconsistent when they do so (link), such will appeal to the "have your cake (apologetic) and eat it too (monolithic church history)" audience.

Another illustration of this is a recent trend in which Eastern Orthodox apologists are willing to suggest that penal substitution is, in some sense, true. Here is one video to this effect. As I pointed out in a comment I left on this video (to which I have no reason to expect an answer forthcoming), there is a seeming inconsistency in this appeal. If the Eastern Orthodox apologist really thinks Jesus tasted the penalty of sin for all men [without exception], how is it just for the damned to nevertheless experience the same penalty? 

Likewise, the Eastern Orthodox apologist in the video mentions that in the garden of Eden, Adam and Eve experienced alienation "from each other." But surely - and conspicuously left unmentioned by the Eastern Orthodox apologist - the principal alienation they experience is alienation from God! Surely this is the death of which God spoke even prior to Eve's creation in Genesis 2:17. If Jesus participates in "the deepest experience of our alienation," does that mean the Eastern Orthodox apologist thinks Jesus likewise experience this alienation - alienation from His own Father? I am unaware of any Eastern Orthodox apologists who admit this. The usual claim is that penal substitution is Nestorian (link). To the extent that Eastern Orthodox apologists shortchange the penalty Christ undertook on our behalf, they don't really accept penal substitution after all. Nuances like this might easily go unnoticed by converts.

5. Reformed theologians have - by and large - polemically ignored Eastern Orthodox theologians. Sure, there may be an article here or single chapter there that in a journal or book that gets lost in the mix of what the focus of a publication really is. Rarely have I seen a prominent Reformed theologian or pastor debate or engage in a book-length treatment of Eastern Orthodoxy. Compare this to the many popular polemical works against Roman Catholicism.

Obviously, there is a history that somewhat dictates a larger interest in justifying Reformed separation from Rome. On the other hand, in the next century, I could easily see it turn out that Eastern Orthodoxy poses a bigger poaching threat to Reformed churches than Rome. In that respect, it would be better for our apologetics to look to future threats instead of looking back at old ones.

Then again, this is admittedly tricky. What you don't want to have happen is something like what happens in the 1880s-1890s with higher criticism, where The Princeton Review gave a platform to heretics to debate their false doctrines and thereby legitimate/popularize them. 

Of course, this is somewhat reductionistic - there were other reasons for the increase in popularity of higher criticism, e.g. that seminaries were sending candidates oversees to Germany for training in the first place - but I don't see any reason to invite a heretic to a debate on my home turf. The best that could be hoped for is that people become more confident or assured that Reformed theology can handle heretics - it can, but a verbal debate isn't the only mode of communication to show that (let alone the best mode). The worst that can happen is that more people become intrigued with a faulty religion held by a fraction of the population.

Along these lines, it was wise of Bahnsen to debate Stein - in a secular university where he was in the minority and when was able to ably defend his position. In that context, it's really only Bahnsen who could hope for the popularization of his view. So would it be wise of a Reformed theologian to debate an Eastern Orthodox? In my mind, it depends on context. 

Perhaps publications (or, less plausibly, conferences) are safer in terms of established ways of getting information out. Written works are more likely to have less pomp and circumstance and more usefulness in the long-run. In any case, resources on Eastern Orthodoxy by Reformed Christians are scarcer to the layman than resources on most other heresies (even ones smaller in number). Again, this reduces the barrier to entry.

6. I think there are legitimate questions of Reformed theology that are more deserving of robust answers than are currently available. For example, the question of artistry in the church. Is it wrong to desire a beautified church? I don't think so. Was it wrong that the temple was beautified? Is there a typological case for a beautified church, an adorned bride (link)? Is there something to the idea of wearing one's "Sunday best"? 

Obviously, I'm not talking about venerating icons, whether images of Christ can be created, etc. I'm talking about whether the physical construction and layout of a church can be deliberately made attractive. I think this is a legitimate question, even if it is not a legitimate desire. I myself have never heard a good reason why it is an illegitimate desire.

If a congregant has this question, how often is it that his pastor (who, let's say, thinks it is an illegitimate desire) is giving a good answer to this question? Is it a good answer to simply appeal to what Puritans thought without also expressing their reasons (let alone whether those reasons are biblical)? Is it a good answer to say that the purpose of a "simple" church layout is to avoid distractions? This sounds as if I were to tell my students I can't decorate my classroom because they would be too immature to handle it when I'm lecturing.

I'm not judging churches whose attention has never considered its décor. In fact, my own classroom actually happens to be simple. There are ecclesiastical (and work-related) priorities, after all. Over time, though, one might expect the church to answer how God's people should present themselves: humbly yet aware of its clothing of glory in Christ. Externals should match internals. There may be an implicit eschatology in these points.

Just like Eastern Orthodox apologists are becoming more aware of and willing to copy presuppositional arguments, they are also becoming more aware of Protestant resources on biblical theology - including but not limited to the more rampant speculations of federal visionists - and pivoting the same arguments to the need for a "higher liturgy." Yes, we must avoid the errors of federal visionism, but we must also understand the motivations for the questions they raised before we throw out everything they say. That includes understanding the need for a developed hermeneutic of typology that avoids the extreme of Marsh's dictum on the one hand and runaway typology on the other. Does such exist? 

That I even ask this question suggests a lacuna, although I could well be ignorant: perhaps Reformed Christians have given good answers to these sorts of questions. Then again, that is sort of the point: if I'm ignorant, I can understand why others might be as well. 

Further, the principle of this point is that regarding some questions, I think we would do well to respond with a measure of pause and grace. If this so happens to be a question that has an obvious answer, there are still other questions and questioners which and who don't deserve a slam-dunk response. Most people don't like getting dunked on, even with the truth.

7. A final point that dovetails with what I just said: it's okay not to have all the answers at the time these questions are raised. Answers to questions often are discovered over time. Contrary to the claims of Eastern Orthodox apologists, Scripture is materially and formally sufficient to defend the doctrine of the Trinity, sola fide, etc., but until such heresies arise that require sharper focus in how we answer them, it is often the case that questions that go unasked also go unanswered.

These considerations are not all equally easy to see or deal with. Until people are settled enough in their assurance of Reformed theology to believe that - and to tactfully and truthfully project that confidence in the presence of others who are not - it is objectively unsurprising (if personally unsettling) that the whiff of a new wind of a new doctrine or question might carry some away from the faith.

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