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Read the story on VTDigger here: Until midnight Friday: Your gift to VTDigger goes 3X further.
SOUTH ROYALTON — Vermont Law and Graduate School President Rodney Smolla is stepping down from his leadership role later this year to return to writing and teaching.
On July 1, law school dean Beth McCormack and graduate school dean Dan Bromberg will take on the president’s responsibilities as part of their current roles.
“There will be a search, but I don’t think it’s immediate. I think we’re going to do this interim structure for at least the next year,” McCormack said, noting that the school calendar turns over on July 1. “It’s too short to do a search now for the next academic year.”
Smolla has served as president of the South Royalton campus since 2022. He informed the school’s Board of Trustees of his intentions earlier this month. “I am very much looking forward to returning to a full-time life as a teacher, scholar, and advocate on pressing issues of national concern,” Smolla wrote in an email.
He declined a request for an interview.
Before coming to Vermont, Smolla served as dean and professor of Widener University Delaware Law School, according to a news release from the school announcing his hiring.
“He’s a prolific teacher and scholar,” McCormack said of Smolla, citing his reputation in the study of Constitutional law and the First Amendment. “It’s not surprising that he’s drawn back to those things, especially at a time when Constitutional Law and the First Amendment is more important.”
Smolla was president during a time of growth and change at the school. In 2022, the school changed its name from Vermont Law School to Vermont Law and Graduate School. Smolla raised his national profile when he had a role in the defamation lawsuit Dominion Voting Systems brought against Fox News regarding claims about the 2020 presidential election.
“He’s been a real leader in our capital campaign and I think through his external activities both with alumni and in the community has really strengthened the reputation of the school,” McCormack said.
She noted that Smolla regularly speaks at Upper Valley libraries and churches to explain Constitutional law and First Amendment issues to members of the public.
Bromberg was also complimentary of Smolla’s leaderhsip. “I think 100% we’re in a more stable position,” he said.
“I’m no longer surprised by much in academia these days,” Bromberg said about Smolla’s decision to return to teaching. “Rod is a preeminent scholar related to the First Amendment and the Constitution. I think it’s a time when someone of his ilk is interested in writing and teaching.”
The school has recently hired four new faculty members who are set to start at the beginning of the next academic year, and there are other job offers in the works. The school has 56 faculty members, the majority of whom are full time.
“Not all of them teach full time, many of them are doing research,” McCormack said, citing the Center for Agriculture and Food Systems as one example on campus.
There are currently around 450 students who attend in-person programs at the South Royalton campus and “several hundred” who are enrolled in the school’s part-time, online hybrid JD program. The program started with 18 students in 2022 and the incoming online class will have 150 students, the maximum capacity for the program, McCormack said. There are between 300 and 350 students enrolled in the school’s graduate programs, Bromberg said, which include public policy, climate and environmental policy, and restorative justice. Around half of those students take classes during any given semester because many are part-time students who are pursuing degrees while working.
Full-time tuition is around $50,000 per year, though the majority of students do not pay the full amount.
Law school applications nationwide were up 20% this year, McCormack said, and Vermont Law and Graduate School was slightly higher than the national average.
“I think people are drawn to the law right now and also drawn to protecting the environment,” McCormack said.
Read the story on VTDigger here: President of Vermont Law and Graduate School to step down this summer.
This commentary is by Sarah Robinson, co-executive director of the Vermont Network Against Domestic and Sexual Violence.
At the Vermont Network, we support survivors of domestic and sexual violence, amplify their voices and build safer communities. We collectively represent 15 independent nonprofits that provide direct services to survivors and prevention programming in their communities.
S.27, a proposal to eliminate up to $100 million in medical debt for low-income Vermonters and exclude medical debt from credit reports, supports this work. Brought forward by Sen. Ginny Lyons and Treasurer Mike Pieciak, the bill is a critical step toward helping survivors achieve economic security, better health outcomes and a safer future.
Economic security is a significant barrier to safety and healing for survivors. As health care costs rise in Vermont, survivors are more vulnerable to accruing medical debt as a direct result of abuse.
A study published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine estimates that the lifetime financial loss from intimate partner violence exceeds $100,000 per female victim, with health care expenses accounting for the majority of that cost. Research shows that survivors have higher health care costs, even years after escaping abuse.
An emergency room visit or mental health care can leave people burdened by debt through no fault of their own. That debt can damage their credit, making it harder to secure housing, find employment and escape an abusive partner.
Medical debt can also lead to worse health outcomes. Studies show that tens of thousands of Vermonters delay treatment out of fear of medical debt. This can result in more serious health issues, higher future medical costs and time away from work.
When someone is unable to pay their medical bills, everything else — including their safety — becomes less affordable. Nothing should hold survivors back from moving forward with their lives.
On behalf of the Vermont Network, we encourage the Legislature to support S.27, an investment in Vermonters’ safety, health and prosperity.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Sarah Robinson: Medical debt relief will help survivors achieve economic security.
Dear Editor,
I’m surely hoping my voice is not the only one that will be raised in outrage at the ICE kidnappings taking place in Vermont, but just in case, I thought I’d add my one voice in this call to the governor we once knew:
Gov. Scott, you once stepped up to be an admirable leader we all could respect during the pandemic, when failed and misguided federal actions threatened the lives of every Vermonter. We urgently need you to be that man again!
These kidnappings by ICE are simply an outrageous abuse of federal power. Such actions undermine our faith in such pillars of civic order as “innocent until proven guilty” and due process of law for all.
These abductions are the actions of thugs, not legitimate law enforcement officers. These activities must not be allowed in Vermont. They must be opposed.
Governor, it is time for you to start issuing some executive orders of your own. We have a Vermont constitution that obligates you to protect the rights of Vermonters. You must quickly act to prevent any abuses of federal power against the citizens of Vermont.
Sincerely,
Michael J. Daley
Westminster
Read the story on VTDigger here: Michael J. Daley: We need pandemic Scott back!.
Dear Editor,
My name is Donley Johnson. I am a resident of St. Johnsbury. I am a high school student and a member of the Jewish community.
I write this letter during Passover, the Jewish holiday celebrating the biblical Exodus. Ironically this time for celebrating freedom comes as that very same freedom has been taken away from a member of our own Vermont community.
The recent detainment, and in some cases, deportation, of university students under the guise of fighting antisemitism has done nothing to improve the lives of anybody, Jewish or otherwise. It has done precisely the opposite: undermined the sanctity of freedom of speech, the right to a fair trial, and the dreams and lives of Rümeysa Öztürk, Alirezah Doroudi, Mahmoud Khalil, Mohsen Mahdawi and others.
I say this as a Jewish person and as a citizen of Vermont, the state where Mahdawi was detained. His arrest by ICE has not made Vermont safer. Instead it has shown that immigrants living here can have their legal rights violated if the government says they can.
It has not made the Jewish community safer. Instead it has perpetuated the kind of injustice that I am very lucky not to have to face: the injustice of being forcibly removed from home, friends, work, and being denied comfort, aid, certainty of what tomorrow will bring.
More than 80 years ago, my great-grandfather left his home in Germany to escape the rising danger of the Nazi party. He was denied entry into the United States, and only through the kindness and generosity of strangers was he able to escape being sent back to Germany.
Maybe you do not personally know the students who are now facing this reality. Maybe you feel that they are strangers. That is no less reason to offer them the same kindness that was offered to my great-grandfather. Let us together work for the immediate release of the students who are held in detention and ensure that nobody else is falsely accused of being a danger to America and subsequently arrested.
The detainment of these students has shown us that the rights all of us enjoy and hold sacred are under attack.
Don’t let your rights, or those of your friends, family, coworkers, acquaintances, fellow humans, be the next ones to be vanquished.
Sincerely,
Donley Johnson
St. Johnsbury
Read the story on VTDigger here: Donley Johnson: Release the unjustly detained students.
BURLINGTON — The accused leader of a murder-for-hire plot that killed a Vermont man more than seven years ago took the stand in his own defense and denied that he was involved in the deadly scheme or ordered the hit.
Serhat Gumrukcu did admit during his testimony, which began Monday and continued through Wednesday, that he lied to FBI agents who questioned him during the murder investigation.
Gumrukcu, a biomedical researcher and international businessman, told jurors Monday during the fifth week of his trial in federal court in Burlington that he was not behind the Jan. 6, 2018, fatal shooting of Gregory Davis of Danville over a business deal gone bad.
Susan Marcus, one of Gumrukcu’s attorneys, asked him just seconds after he sat in the witness chair if he had told anyone to kill Davis.
“I did not,” Gumrukcu responded.
“Did you know that anyone was going to kill Gregg Davis?” the defense attorney followed up.
“I did not,” replied Gumrukcu, dressed Monday in a gray suit, white shirt and red tie.
Gumrukcu, 42, has pleaded not guilty to federal charges, including conspiracy to commit murder for hire, that could send him to jail for the rest of his life, if convicted.
His testimony this week represented his first public comments related to the charges against him since his arrest in May 2022.
Following the conclusion of his time on the witness stand Wednesday, the defense rested its case. Closing arguments are expected to take place Thursday morning, and then jurors will begin their deliberations.
Three other people charged in the alleged murder plot have already testified for the prosecution, saying Gumrukcu wanted Davis dead and financed the scheme. Those three witnesses had each reached plea deals that called for their cooperation in the case against Gumrukcu.
During his time on the witness stand, Gumrukcu was steadfast in denying that he asked anyone to take part in the scheme to kill Davis. But he repeatedly admitted to past wrongdoing, including lying in business deals and paying to obtain a medical degree from a Russian university without doing the required training.
He said of one person he went into business with, “I misappropriated his money to try to cover my tracks.”
As for paying money to obtain a medical degree from a Russian university without doing the needed training, Gumrukcu testified: “It was cheating, of course.”
“I was arrogant,” he added. “I thought I could decide what I wanted to learn.”
Gumrukcu, a Turkish national who had lived in Los Angeles for nearly a decade as a permanent U.S. resident, told jurors he traveled the world “treating patients” and befriending royalty along the way who had heard of him “through word of mouth.” He also testified about his work researching incurable diseases and providing unorthodox treatments, including the use of leeches to help battle illnesses.
Gumrukcu’s attorneys called several witnesses during the defense case — from business owners to a Hollywood movie producer — who spoke of his skill as a caregiver and work as a “peaceful” healer.
During cross-examination by Assistant U.S. Attorney Paul Van de Graaf, a prosecutor in the case, Gumrukcu admitted that he did not have the proper medical license while treating a cancer patient in the United States who eventually died.
Also, Gumrukcu testified under questioning from the prosecutor that he accepted more than $150,000 from that man’s family for his care and only paid the money back after they sued him to recoup the funds.
Gumrukcu told jurors he met one of the key witnesses who testified against him, Berk Eratay, many years ago. They had shared an interest in magic, he said, adding that they both performed professionally in Turkey and were particularly practiced in mind reading.
Eratay, who also eventually moved to the United States, was living in Las Vegas when he was arrested in the murder plot in May 2022. Eratay has already testified over parts of four days in the trial, telling jurors that Gumrukcu had asked him for help finding someone to kill Davis and then provided the money to pay for the deadly hit.
Prosecutors alleged during the trial that Gumrukcu wanted Davis, 49, dead because he feared the Vermont man was going to go to authorities and accuse him of fraud in a proposed oil deal between the two men that never got off the ground.
The possibility of fraud allegations against Gumrukcu at that time, according to prosecutors, could have hindered, or perhaps nixed, a bigger deal he was working on for a stake worth tens of millions of dollars for him in a biomedical research company, Enochian.
Gumrukcu had already had trouble with the law when he was arrested in 2017 in California on more than a dozen charges involving allegations that he used forged records and false email addresses to obtain hundreds of thousands dollars, according to court records and testimony during the trial. He later pleaded no contest to a single felony and was placed on probation.
Prosecutors have alleged, in the murder-for-hire case and past business dealings with Davis, that Gumrukcu helped orchestrate the creation of fake email accounts and false bank and business records.
Van de Graaf, the prosecutor, asked Gumrukcu during his testimony Wednesday whether he was truthful with the FBI when they questioned him about Davis and his business dealings with him.
In response to questions from the prosecutor, Gumrukcu said he never told the FBI that Davis had been threatening him with going to authorities to report allegations of fraud against him.
“They never asked me questions about that,” Gumrukcu added.
He also testified that he made false statements to the FBI agents about other players involved in his business dealings with Davis.
“You lied in a murder investigation?” Van de Graaf asked him.
“I did,” Gumrukcu replied.
Eratay testified earlier in the trial that he had sought out a friend and former neighbor, Aron Lee Ethridge, of Henderson, Nevada, to participate in the plot, asking Ethridge if he knew someone who could travel to Vermont and kill Davis. Ethridge, during his testimony, told jurors he enlisted a friend, Jerry Banks, of Fort Garland, Colorado, to kill Davis.
Banks testified during the trial that he traveled to Davis’ Danville home and, pretending to be a U.S. Marshal with a warrant for his arrest, kidnapped Davis, drove him away from the home and fatally shot him. Davis’ body was found by authorities the next day near a pull-off along the road in Barnet, about a dozen miles from Davis’ residence.
Eratay, Ethridge and Banks face decades in prison when they are sentenced later in the year, but each testified during the trial they were hopeful their jail terms would be lessened due to their cooperation in the case against Gumrukcu.
Gumrukcu testified that large sums of money transferred to Eratay in the months leading up to Davis’ killing, including one payment of $75,000, were to not to finance the murder plot, but to help a friend out who was starting up a cryptocurrency business.
Gumrukcu said he considered Eratay like a “little brother” to him and wanted to assist him in getting that venture off the ground.
“I wanted him to be happy,” Gumrukcu told the jurors of Eratay.
Van de Graaf walked Gumrukcu through several business deals he was involved in, and grilled him on email exchanges he had with other players in them.
At one point, Gumrukcu responded to a question posed by the prosecutor that there were “so many lies” he had a hard time remembering them all.
Read the story on VTDigger here: ‘I did not,’ accused leader of murder-for-hire plot tells jurors when asked if he ordered deadly hit.
A bill moving through the Senate could make it easier for children whose parents are detained for alleged immigration offenses to be placed in the care of a trusted guardian — a proposal that legal advocates have backed as President Donald Trump’s administration has ramped up immigration enforcement in Vermont and across the country since he took office again.
The Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday morning voted to combine S.95, which is the guardianship proposal, with H.98, a bill that passed the House in February aimed at expediting adoption procedures for parents who have a child using assisted reproduction and are already defined as parents under Vermont law. The committee approved the combined bill, which is numbered H.98, on a unanimous vote.
State law already allows guardianship proceedings to be streamlined in cases where a child’s parents become incapacitated or die, among other emergencies. But the bill would establish another fast-track process if a child’s parents are “subject to an adverse immigration action,” such as being taken into federal custody or deported from the country, the proposal states.
The proposed guardianship process would be handled by state probate courts. Parents could make a guardian available preemptively or, in the event they are detained, have a lawyer initiate the process on their behalf. Without a legal guardian, kids whose parents are detained would likely be placed in the custody of the state’s Department for Children and Families.
Vermont Legal Aid already helps parents who don’t have legal status in the U.S. prepare emergency guardianship plans as a precautionary measure, the organization told senators this month — but supports H.98 because the bill would codify a similar process in state law.
Sen. Nader Hashim, D-Windham, who chairs Senate Judiciary, called the proposal “just one more step that we can take to mitigate the harm that’s happening to migrant families,” in an interview Wednesday afternoon.
The other half of the bill, from what passed the House as H.98, would make it easier for parents to legally adopt a child they have through in vitro fertilization or other methods of assisted reproduction. The Senate committee didn’t make any changes to the language that the House had already approved.
— Shaun Robinson
Gov. Phil Scott said Wednesday he’s not sure it would help people detained in Vermont by immigration authorities if the state stopped allowing federal immigration agencies to use its prisons — a move top Senate Democrats called for on Tuesday.
“I get the frustration that people are feeling. People want to do something about what they see happening, not just in our state, but across the country,” Scott said at his weekly press conference. “But is that in the best interest of those who are being detained to just ship them off to somewhere else, Mississippi, Texas, wherever?”
Scott didn’t rule out changing or ending the state’s MOU with federal authorities when it expires in August, saying the decision would come down to “what’s in the best interests of those we’re trying to protect.”
Brett Stokes, director of the Center for Justice Reform Clinic at the Vermont Law and Graduate School, works with many people detained by immigration authorities in Vermont. He said that “in a perfect world,” he would support limiting or ending the state’s prison agreement with federal immigration agencies, but that’s not the present moment.
“My focus right now is not on removing the bed space, because if I’m able to, I want to try to keep my clients as close as possible,” Stokes said in an interview Wednesday. “I think a lot of advocates are with me on this.”
Read more about views on ending the use of Vermont prisons by immigration authorities here.
— Ethan Weinstein
Mike Smith, former Secretary of the Agency of Human Services and the Agency of Administration, will soon add a new title to his resume: Independent Liaison between the University of Vermont Health Network and the Green Mountain Care Board
That position was created by a settlement between the two entities that was finalized earlier this month. In that role, Smith will oversee consultants looking for ways to save money and improve efficiency within the UVM Health Network’s operations.
The appointment, which was announced Tuesday, comes two months after Smith wrote a letter to Gov. Phil Scott decrying a “failure of leadership” at the health network, as executives took bonuses while cutting patient services. Smith will be able to hire two employees to assist him in the role, which could last up to 16 months.
— Peter D’Auria
The parents of two Vermont children have sued Snap Inc., which owns and operates Snapchat, accusing the social media company of aiding and abetting a man who allegedly sexually abused their daughters.
The lawsuit stems from a November 2020 incident in which Brandon Rhoades, then 24, allegedly drugged and sexually assaulted two Vermont girls, both of whom were 12 at the time. Rhoades was charged with five felonies in connection with the incident, and last year he was convicted of aggravated sexual assault against a victim under 13 years old after reaching a plea deal with the state.
The 88-page complaint against Snap and Rhoades now alleges that the company “facilitated, encouraged, and ensured the connection between Rhoades and the girls.”
The case dovetails with Vermont lawmakers’ ongoing efforts to rein in social media platforms that advocates say prey on vulnerable teenagers. The story behind the lawsuit has served as a rallying cry for supporters of a bill known as the “Kids Code.”
The bill, which passed the Vermont Senate last month, would require social media companies to adjust algorithms and privacy settings for users under 18.
Read more about the civil lawsuit against Snapchat here.
— Habib Sabet
Visit our 2025 bill tracker for the latest updates on major legislation we are following.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Final Reading: Vermont Senate looks to bolster protections for kids whose parents face immigration enforcement.
The University of Vermont’s Board of Trustees approved the collective bargaining agreement between the university and UVM Staff United, the non-faculty union, on Tuesday after more than a year of negotiations, ushering in a new three-year contract for the union.
The contract includes wage increases, small annual bonuses and other benefits — like a raise in the cap on the number of hours an employee can draw from a collectively held bank of sick days and an end to a six-month waiting period for new employees to enroll in dental insurance. It also sets a higher minimum wage for hourly workers, to $20.80 starting in the first pay period after ratification.
“We are relieved that this long struggle has concluded, and we will finally have the money we have earned in our pockets,” union co-president Ellen Kaye said in an interview.
The university and Staff United have been negotiating a new contract since February 2024, and the previous contract expired in July 2024. The new contract includes a provision for a 4% base salary increase that retroactively covers the period since that last contract expired. Base salaries will increase 3.75% starting July 2025, and 3.5% in July 2026.
“This new contract demonstrates a sincere, mutual commitment to this important relationship and sets the stage for more shared success over the next three years of working together,” UVM Chief Human Resources Officer Chris Lehman wrote in a press release.
Kaye said that over the span of negotiations the union members — all of whom hold non-faculty and non-custodial jobs at the university, such as librarians, research assistants, administrative assistants — have used “every tool at our disposal” to achieve these gains.
The new contract opens up a pathway for the university to implement a career path structure that should make it easier for employees to move up, Lehman said in an interview. He said he sees the ability to implement the program as one of the biggest gains in the new contract.
Essentially, Kaye added, it gives union employees the right to bargain about why workers are placed in a certain job category, while preserving the right to negotiate.
Kaye said that wages have been the biggest sticking point for the union, given that about 70% of the union members still do not make a liveable wage in line with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s determination for the Burlington area — a household of one person would qualify as low income in 2024 if the annual income was less than $66,600.The median income among members before this raise was $55,000 annually, Kaye said.
To close the negotiations, the union had to make concessions on base salary — “I will say we came closer to (the university’s number) than they came to us on wages,” Kaye said — but the contract maintained all of the workers’ other demands.
Lehman said university leaders made the salary decisions in accordance with the current job market, consulting against a range of industry platforms to understand what is appropriate.
The ultimate agreed-upon salary increases are still not up to a livable wage for the Burlington area, Kaye said, but they’re a start.
“Now our focus is on the fact that we have a bigger fight on our hands, with the (federal government’s) attack on higher education. We are looking forward to working in concert with the university against the challenges to higher education,” Kaye said.
Read the story on VTDigger here: UVM Board and Staff Union ratify three-year contract.
MONTPELIER — Gov. Phil Scott said Wednesday he’s not sure it would help people detained in Vermont by immigration authorities if the state stopped allowing federal immigration agencies to use its prisons — a move top Senate Democrats called for this week.
“I get the frustration that people are feeling. People want to do something about what they see happening, not just in our state, but across the country,” Scott said at his weekly press conference. “But is that in the best interest of those who are being detained to just ship them off to somewhere else, Mississippi, Texas, wherever?”
Scott didn’t rule out changing or ending the state’s MOU with federal authorities when it expires in August, saying the decision would come down to “what’s in the best interests of those we’re trying to protect.”
The topic dominated the weekly briefing two days after Mohsen Mahdawi, a legal resident from the Upper Valley and a prominent Palestinian activist, was detained by federal immigration authorities in Colchester and held at Northwest State Correctional Facility in St. Albans. Mahdawi’s lawyers argue he was unlawfully detained “in direct retaliation for his advocacy on behalf of Palestinians and because of his identity as a Palestinian.”
In response to Mahdawi’s detainment, state Senate leaders on Tuesday called on Scott to end Vermont’s memorandum of understanding with U.S. Customs and Border Protection, an agreement that allows immigration detainees to be held in Vermont’s six prisons.
Federal authorities increasingly rely on Vermont’s prisons for immigration detention, with the average number of detainees held in state facilities rising since President Donald Trump took office in January. The median length of time immigration detainees stay in Vermont’s prisons has also increased, according to Vermont Department of Corrections data. For 2023 and most of 2024, the median stay was three days. That number crept up to five days in November 2024, dropped to 4 in February 2025 and climbed to 7 days last month.
On Wednesday, Scott suggested that ending the state’s relationship with federal immigration authorities might not benefit detainees like Mahdawi. He called Vermont U.S. District Court Judge William Sessions, who’s presiding over the case of detained Tufts student Rümeysa Öztürk, “compassionate (and) level-headed,” and said Vermont’s prisons “treat people well.”
Brett Stokes, director of the Center for Justice Reform Clinic at the Vermont Law and Graduate School, works with many people detained by immigration authorities in Vermont. He said that “in a perfect world,” he would support limiting or ending the state’s prison agreement with federal immigration agencies, but that’s not the present moment.
“My focus right now is not on removing the bed space, because if I’m able to, I want to try to keep my clients as close as possible,” Stokes said in an interview Wednesday. “I think a lot of advocates are with me on this.”
The ACLU of Vermont took a similar position. In a statement, Falko Schilling, the organization’s advocacy director, said the ACLU supports “the intent” behind calling for an end to the MOU.
But while the state should “fully examine” how the contract might be supporting mass deportations, Schilling said, the state also needs to ensure that any actions taken “don’t negatively impact people who might be detained by putting them in a position where they are in worse conditions, or have less access to legal representation, their families, and their communities.”
Stokes, the immigration attorney, is seeing some of those impacts already.
In the past, Stokes said limited bed space led immigration authorities to find “alternatives to detention” and to “think more critically about who they detain.” But since President Trump began his second term, he described a “huge uptick” in immigration enforcement and an expansion of ICE’s footprint across New England.
Previously, federal authorities would often move Stokes’ clients from Vermont to Plymouth County Correctional Facility in Massachusetts. Now, he said, more people are being moved to Louisiana or as far away as Laredo, Texas, directly from Vermont.
“As soon as they leave the state, I have zero idea where they are because the ICE detainee locator is inaccurate at best and slow to update across the board,” Stokes said.
Even if Vermont were to end its agreement with federal immigration authorities, it wouldn’t have an immediate impact. The MOU requires the state to provide notice 120 days prior to its termination, which wouldn’t be until mid-August, days before the agreement would expire if it was not renewed.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Gov. Phil Scott: ‘The best interest’ of detainees will guide decision on state agreement with federal immigration authorities.
The Vermont Conversation with David Goodman is a VTDigger podcast that features in-depth interviews on local and national issues. Listen below and subscribe for free on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or wherever you get podcasts.
On April 14, Mohsen Mahdawi, a student at Columbia University and a legal permanent resident of the U.S. who lives in the Upper Valley of Vermont, traveled to Colchester for his naturalization interview, the final step in becoming an American citizen. Mahdawi was born in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, has lived in the U.S. for a decade and holds a green card.
Vermont has been thrust to the center of President Donald Trump’s immigration crackdown.
Mahdawi has been a Palestinian rights activist at Columbia, though he did not participate in the student protest encampment there last spring. He is set to graduate next month. He suspected that his immigration appointment was a “honey trap” meant to lure him out to be deported, as happened to his friend, Mahmoud Khalil, a green-card holder and a fellow Palestinian student activist at Columbia.
Before traveling to Colchester on Monday, Mahdawi alerted his attorneys, Vermont’s congressional delegation, and journalists in the event that he was arrested. When he showed up for his naturalization interview, he was taken by hooded plainclothes officers who placed him in handcuffs before he could leave the building.
Mahdawi has not been charged with a crime. According to his attorneys, he was detained under an obscure law that permits foreign nationals to be deported if they pose “serious adverse foreign policy consequences.” Mahdawi’s attorneys argue that he is being punished for protected speech in violation of the First Amendment and his right to due process. In response to an emergency petition filed by Mahdawi’s lawyers, Vermont federal Judge William Sessions ordered the Trump administration not to deport him or move him out of the state while he reviews the case.
A CBS News crew interviewed Mahdawi the day before his arrest. He told them, “If my story will become another story for the struggle to have justice and democracy in this country, let it be.”
Also on Monday, attorneys for Rümeysa Öztürk, a graduate student at Tufts University, argued before Judge Sessions in Burlington that Öztürk’s arrest on March 25 violated the law. Öztürk, a former Fulbright fellow who is from Turkey and is in the U.S. on a student visa, was grabbed off the street in Somerville, Mass., by masked plainclothes men, a scene that was captured in a now-viral video. She was whisked to Vermont that night before being flown to Louisiana the following morning. A federal judge in Boston ruled that her case should be heard in Vermont. Judge Sessions is now considering the matter.
Öztürk’s attorneys assert that the Trump administration secretly revoked her student visa and targeted her for co-writing an op-ed in Tufts’ student newspaper that criticized university leaders for their response to demands that the school divest from companies with ties to Israel.
Both Mahdawi and Öztürk have been targeted by shadowy right wing pro-Israel groups. Mahdawi was named by the militant Zionist organization Betar US, which placed his name on a “deport list” that it gave to the Trump administration.
Öztürk was targeted by Canary Mission, a right-wing group that claims that she “engaged in anti-Israel activism,” an apparent reference to her op-ed piece.
Vermont’s political leaders denounced Mahdawi’s arrest. Rep. Becca Balint, and Senators Peter Welch and Bernie Sanders issued a statement saying that Madahwi’s arrest “is immoral, inhumane, and illegal.” They demanded that he “must be afforded due process under the law and immediately released from detention.”
Gov. Phil Scott stated, “Law enforcement officers in this country should not operate in the shadows or hide behind masks.”
On Tuesday, Democratic leaders in the Vermont Senate demanded that Vt. Gov Phil Scott terminate an agreement that allows federal immigration authorities to lodge detainees in state prison.
The Vermont Conversation spoke with two attorneys at the center of these cases.
“The larger concern here is one’s right to free speech,” said Cyrus Mehta, an immigration attorney based in New York and an adjunct professor of law at Brooklyn Law School. He is part of Mohsen Mahdawi’s legal team.
“The Supreme Court has long held … that everyone in the United States, whether they’re citizens or non-citizens, including green card holders, have a First Amendment right to free speech. The free speech might not be to your liking. You may not agree with it. But as long as it’s lawful, as long as you’re not engaging in criminal conduct, that speech should be protected under our First Amendment.”
“It is against the interests of the United States to harshly go against students, treat them like criminals — even worse than criminals by detaining them, not giving them bond — and their only offense has been speech that has not particularly been favored by this administration.”
Mehta warned that denying rights to green card holders “will slowly extend to U.S. citizens, we will all lose this cherished First Amendment right to express ourselves.”
Grabbing people off the street by masked plainclothes officers “absolutely bears many of the hallmarks of a kidnapping,” said Lia Ernst, legal director of the ACLU of Vermont, who is on Rümeysa Öztürk’s legal team. (Disclosure: I serve on the board of the ACLU of Vermont).
“The notion that the administration — with no due process, with no judicial review — can sneak someone around the country, as happened in our case, and then, as has happened in these other instances, out of the country, and then claim they are powerless to do anything about it, is utterly foreign to the American legal system. It’s utterly foreign to the rule of law, and it is abhorrent.”
“It’s just horrifying, and I believe intentionally. The government is not trying to just punish Rümeysa for her speech. It’s trying to tell everyone else they better only express opinions with which the government agrees. And that cannot be in the United States of America.”
As President Trump and his allies stymie court orders, will the legal system hold?
“I have to believe that it will, but it will not do it on its own,” replied Ernst. She cited the importance of recent protests.
“There is real power in the people standing together and demanding adherence to the rule of law … and to stand up to this administration and to say that its refusal to abide by the constitution and to abide by the rule of law will not be tolerated. But the legal system can’t do it by itself.”
Read the story on VTDigger here: Vermont Conversation: Trump’s immigration crackdown comes to Vermont.
Ludlow Municipal Manager Brendan McNamara isn’t the only local administrator questioning the future of state and federal funding and unforeseen budget-breakers such as flooding.
“A lot of towns are looking for ways to increase revenue,” said McNamara, whose community is still awaiting $2.2 million in reimbursement from the Federal Emergency Management Agency after a historic July 2023 storm.
That’s why Ludlow and the communities of Marlboro, Pittsfield and Putney are set this summer to join more than 30 others in supplementing property taxes with a 1% local option charge on some combination of rooms, meals, alcohol and sales.
“Our population swells from 2,000 during slow times of the year to upward of 30,000,” McNamara said of the town that’s home to the Okemo Mountain Resort. “We want to be able to provide the highest level of services, but our infrastructure has to be able to handle that. This gives us a chance to capitalize on visitors helping pay for what they use.”
Ludlow leaders have long known Vermont charges a state tax of 6% on sales, 9% on rooms and meals and 10% on alcohol. Then they learned how a subset of municipalities reaped a collective $50.9 million this past year by approving an additional 1% fee of their own.
In a plan approved by voters in March, Ludlow expects to pocket nearly $700,000 annually from a local tax on meals, rooms, alcohol and sales beginning July 1. Of that, residents will pay less than $40,000, town leaders estimate, while visitors will pick up the rest.
“We’re one of the last resort towns in the state to try this,” said McNamara, who plans to funnel the new money into flood rehabilitation and resilience projects, fire equipment replacement and water system upgrades.
A total of 37 Vermont municipalities have approved some sort of local option tax since Manchester became the first in 1999, the state reports. The smallest — the lakefront town of Westmore, population 357 — only taxes rooms. The largest — the city of Burlington, population 44,743 — taxes all the options of meals, rooms, alcohol and sales.
Different places cite different purposes for the additional money.
“Some want to control property taxes and bring in new revenue, while others may be considering substantial new infrastructure projects or other initiatives,” said Samantha Sheehan, a municipal policy and advocacy specialist with the Vermont League of Cities and Towns.
Prior to last year, communities had to create or change local charters to enact local option taxes. Then the state Legislature voted to extend the opportunity to the nearly 200 cities and towns without charters. That led six municipalities to approve new local option taxes during Town Meeting voting last month.
Montpelier, for example, approved a 1% tax on sales to supplement its already established charges on rooms, meals and alcohol. The new add-on is estimated to collect another $500,000 a year.
Not all communities are sold on the concept. In Royalton, local leaders told this year’s Town Meeting that a proposed tax on rooms, meals and alcohol could reap an estimated $24,000 annually. But after some residents questioned if it would hurt local households and businesses, they blocked passage in a 51-51 vote, minutes show.
Whitingham, for its part, rejected local taxes on rooms, meals, alcohol and sales after some Town Meeting attendees expressed concern it could deter tourists, leaders there said.
Under the long-standing law, local option tax money is collected by the state, which returns 70% to the sending community and keeps the remaining 30% for processing fees and a special Payment In Lieu Of Taxes (PILOT) fund that compensates municipalities for the value of state-owned property.
The Vermont League of Cities and Towns is pushing the Legislature to increase that municipal draw to 75% or 80%.
“Even a 5% shift is really substantial,” Sheehan said.
Hartford, for example, would take in about $150,000 more with a 5% increase, while Williston could see an additional $500,000, each municipality estimates.
The league is also lobbying for the creation of a new local short-term rental tax separate from that on rooms. But the Legislature, facing growing uncertainty about federal revenue to the state, has yet to commit to returning more local option tax money to the communities that collect it.
“Municipal government in Vermont delivers many of our most important and most relied-on services,” Sheehan said. “The needs of those budgets are becoming more difficult to manage through property taxes alone. Getting money back to those local option towns would be a real wind in the sails.”
Read the story on VTDigger here: Amid federal and state funding questions, more Vermont municipalities are turning to local option taxes.
This commentary is by Jonathan Elwell of Brattleboro, an educator and writer who organizes with FreeHerVT.
On March 25, Rümeysa Öztürk was held overnight at the ICE field office in St. Albans. She had been abducted earlier that day in Somerville, Massachusetts, by masked ICE agents. Öztürk was targeted because of her participation in the Palestinian liberation movement at Tufts University, where she was a PhD student.
Then on April 3, Ethan Weinstein reported on the increasing use of Vermont prisons to hold people detained by ICE. The Vermont prison system — especially Northwest State Correctional Facility in St. Albans and Chittenden Regional Correctional Facility in South Burlington — has been used by ICE to hold immigration detainees for over a decade and the number detained per month recently reached a two-year high.
The political motivations behind this rise — seen clearly in the case of Rümeysa Öztürk — are deeply alarming.
But it is crucial to recognize that the entanglements of Vermont’s prisons and police with the violence of U.S. imperialism are not unique to this moment. These escalations by the Trump administration are, rather than a wholly new phenomenon, the intensified, targeted deployment of what scholar Orisanmi Burton describes as “institutions of low-intensity warfare that masquerade as apolitical instruments of crime control.”
For Burton, the American prison system “has everything to do with class warfare. On one side of the bars, prisons function as receptacles for society’s outcasts — the racialized poor, the unemployed, the mentally ill, gender rebels, what Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels called the ‘relative surplus population.’”
How does this map out onto Vermont history? What role have Vermont prisons played in colonialism and managing those dispossessed by capitalism?
Early colonizers built courthouses and jails to enforce their claims over contested land. Poor farms and, later, asylums absorbed those disabled or dispossessed by the exploitation and instability of 19th-century capitalism. When Vermont’s eugenics movement gained power in the early 1900s, these institutions and the prison system aided and legitimized the drive to surveil, segregate and sterilize particular surplus or undesirable populations.
Decades later, Jack Shuttle, an incarcerated organizer at what was then the state prison in Windsor in the early 1970s, wrote in a prison newspaper that “if you have money you do not have a worry in the world. The only crime on earth is being broke. Justice is what you can pay for it.”
Then as Vermont’s prison population boomed in the early 1980s, DOC policy dictated greater incarceration of people with family histories of psychiatric hospitalization, family policing, welfare and imprisonment. Today, unsurprisingly, the violence of incarceration disproportionately impacts those who are racialized, poor, disabled and psychiatrically labeled.
In 2021, when the DOC was seeking new leadership in the midst of outcry around drug abuse, sexual misconduct and repeated premature deaths, the state did not choose a Commissioner with social service or healthcare administration experience. Instead they appointed Nick Deml, fresh off seven years as a clandestine intelligence officer at the CIA — the preeminent federal institution for counterinsurgency and low-intensity warfare.
A perhaps even more direct thread of imperialism can be seen through the origin and organization of the Vermont state police.
According to ExplorePAhistory.com, the Pennsylvania State Police was created in 1905 “to supplement but not replace the Coal and Iron police forces that had kept unions from emerging in the Pennsylvania coal fields and steel mills.” The organization was “modeled on the Philippine Constabulary,” a military force which occupied the Philippines after the Spanish-American War and executed counterinsurgency against independence movements through scorched-earth tactics and brutal repression.
In 1937, a commission created to investigate the possibility of a state police unit in Vermont wrote that the Pennsylvania force “has become the model for almost every state police department created since that time” and recommended a similarly modernized, consolidated structure.
A decade later, the Vermont State Police was founded on “a semi-military basis” under the guidance of longtime Marine General Merritt Edson. The new organization, according to sympathetic historian and former state trooper Michael Carpenter, utilized “military rank and discipline,” issued “orders in a military format,” and wore uniforms that “strongly resembled the uniform of the United States Marine Corps.”
This was clearly not, to return to Burton’s phrasing, an apolitical instrument of crime control, but a domestic military designed for low-intensity, modernized occupation.
This history matters because it helps us see that the increasing use of Vermont prisons for ICE detention is neither an aberration nor an accident. Instead, it is a logical development for a system that has been designed, from its earliest beginnings, as a mechanism of imperial control and class warfare.
This understanding demands a deep solidarity with Rümeysa Öztürk and all those targeted by the ongoing wave of ICE abductions. And it demands a stern, principled and class-conscious resistance to these systems of violence globally and locally.
I wrote an op-ed last spring opposing the state’s proposal for a $97-million women’s prison and arguing that well-intentioned reforms have a history of actually expanding the reach and harm of incarceration in Vermont. The two institutions I highlighted for their reformist roots — NWSCF being imagined as a Youth Center “where people can grow” and CRCF being promoted as the “Most Progressive Correctional Center in the U.S.” — are now not only traditional prisons; they are the two Vermont institutions most frequently utilized for detention of immigrants.
In this country, investment in policing and prisons has always been an investment in the tools of warfare. And in the early days of Trump’s second term, it is increasingly and terrifyingly clear how we can expect tools — even those created by well-intentioned reformers — to be utilized.
Free Rümeysa! Free them all!
Read the story on VTDigger here: Jonathan Elwell: ICE, imperialism and a lineage of state violence.
This commentary is by Héctor J. Vila of New Haven, an associate professor of writing and rhetoric at Middlebury College.
On a gray, overcast day in mid-April in Burlington, Vermont, I found myself among a crowd of fellow citizens protesting the Trump administration. We held signs: “I DESERVE AN EDUCATION,” “NATURE NOT DESTROY,” “DEFEND DEMOCRACY NOW.” My favorite: “IKEA HAS BETTER CABINETS.” We chanted, keeping rhythm with pounding drums: “MUSK HAS GOT TO GO.”
On April 5, 2025, the “Hands Off!” protests against the Trump administration took place across the United States — over 1,200 rallies nationwide. The largest gathering was in Washington, D.C., where over 100,000 people assembled on the National Mall. These protests demonstrated public dissent against the administration’s policies, including budget cuts, tariffs and the influence of Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE.
But as we marched up Church Street, I was somewhere else. I was having an out-of-body experience, seemingly in two places at once: my past and present coming together. On March 24, 2018, I was in another protest in Buenos Aires, Argentina.
As I moved through the Burlington crowd, I felt myself walking between worlds, one foot on Church Street and another on the streets of Buenos Aires seven years earlier. This disorienting confluence mirrored the very nature of the “Hands Off!” movement itself — a modern demonstration anchored in centuries of American dissent tradition, historically linked to every protest from Boston Harbor to the Women’s March of 2017.
As an Argentine, a U.S. citizen and an academic who has spent over four decades teaching in the United States, I have witnessed my share of political upheavals. From the military juntas of my youth to the current political theatrics in both my homeland and my adopted country, history repeats itself with new actors and a modern twist.
Americans, like Argentines, are not shy about demonstrating. These protests have shaped the social, political and cultural landscape of both nations, reflecting the power of collective action in pursuit of justice and equity.
In the United States, Trump’s rise has polarized the nation through executive overreach and attacks on democratic institutions. His economic policies have left many Americans disenfranchised — a stark reminder of the autocratic tendencies I witnessed in Argentina during military rule.
Meanwhile, in Argentina, President Javier Milei has embarked on a radical economic experiment with drastic spending cuts and anti-establishment rhetoric. High inflation and financial crises stretch the social fabric to its limit.
Adding to this complex tapestry are international influences like Steve Bannon, who has found a kindred spirit in Milei, and Elon Musk, who admires Milei’s economic policies and has been gifted a chainsaw by him — a symbol of Milei’s aggressive cutting approach to governance.
The parallels between the political climates of the United States and Argentina are striking, and the potential for increased autocratic governance concerns me. Democracy is fragile, requiring constant vigilance.
Yet, amidst these turbulent times, I am reminded of James Baldwin’s words in The Fire Next Time: “If we—and now I mean the relatively conscious whites and the relatively conscious blacks, who must, like lovers, insist on, or create, the consciousness of the others—do not falter in our duty now, we may be able, handful that we are, to end the racial nightmare, and achieve our country, and change the history of the world.”
While Baldwin advocates for love and grace, the current administration’s policies foster division. Budget cuts to education, environmental deregulation, and DOGE all suggest governance prioritizing efficiency over human connection. Where Baldwin sees commitment to justice as essential for democracy, the administration has provoked resistance from citizens demanding education, environmental protection and democratic safeguards.
If we fail to embrace Baldwin’s vision and Trump’s policies continue, the future holds increasing polarization and democratic erosion. Without love — defined as radical recognition of shared humanity — societies fracture. Policies prioritizing efficiency over equity accelerate wealth disparities. Environmental degradation creates health crises affecting marginalized communities. Democratic institutions weaken as norms are replaced by authoritarian approaches.
The widespread protests represent not just opposition to specific policies but a desperate defense of democracy itself. Without Baldwin’s prescription of love as a political force, America risks becoming ungovernable, with civic discourse replaced by competing monologues and democratic participation reduced to performative resistance.
In this sense, we are Argentines: two nations, separated by language and wealth, with citizens advocating for equal justice. Somos todos Argentinos at this moment.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Héctor J. Vila: We’re all Argentines now, protest movements across 2 Americas.
This commentary is by John Clifford of Hinesburg. He is a former Army officer and professor at Vermont Technical College.
Phil Pouech is my representative because I live in Hinesburg, a small town with a reasonable budget and great people. But what I have learned is that very few residents actually speak out on important issues unless surveyed, and, as always, it’s great to hear from Rep. Pouech.
I think many of my fellow citizens would totally agree that our elected political leaders should speak out on issues that are important to them and us. But sometimes I respect leaders who are not quick to respond and who consider their impact on the wider issue being discussed, and I have come to respect our governor for his concern and leadership. Especially on important issues that directly impact my wallet.
But now that you bring it up, couldn’t we also ask “Where has the Legislature been?” over the past several years as important issues have dominated our economy and social ecosystems? It’s been no secret what problems have plagued us: education spending, property taxes, health care costs and availability, homelessness, rational climate policy, zoning, forestry, etc.
It seems to me and many others that our legislators love to study issues ad infinitum. Remember these studies cost money and time, but I wonder if they take the time to read the reports that have been generated over the years. Doesn’t it actually seem that many of the answers we are looking for now have been detailed many times already in these long and highly detailed lovely reports from studies? But when the Legislature would prefer not to act, they generate another study.
I love Vermont and have lived here all my life, and joined the Army to fight for it. I desperately want Vermont to succeed, and for Vermonters to have access to any and all services that would allow them to live a long and fruitful life. Isn’t that the ultimate responsibility of any political leader?
One thing I have discovered from my time in the service is you can’t identify who will become a great leader. You can’t teach leadership, but great leaders are needed to make up for the ones that aren’t. What I do believe is that great leadership comes from the heart, empowering a force of action that even the mind wouldn’t advise. Great leaders rise to the occasion.
I think what many Vermonters are looking for is action by the Legislature that allows the governor to move forward on fixing our problems. Are there any leaders in the Legislature that will put politics aside for the good of the people?
We need your help, not your questions. Stakeholders have had their way in the past, necessitating Vermonters to spend far more than what was needed on education. Now, let’s work together to fix it.
Read the story on VTDigger here: John Clifford: Thank you to our most effective leaders.
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Read the story on VTDigger here: Spring Member Drive: All gifts matched during final countdown.
HYDE PARK — Prosecutors and defense attorneys offered competing narratives of the 2022 killing of Fern Feather, a Hinesburg transgender woman, as the trial of suspect Seth Brunell began Tuesday.
Brunell, 46, has been charged with second-degree murder in the stabbing death of Feather in Morristown three years ago. If convicted, he could face up to life in prison.
In an opening statement, Sophie Stratton, an assistant attorney general, urged jurors to apply their “good judgment” and “common sense” to the facts of the alleged murder and ask if Feather’s death was warranted.
“The questions that you have to answer: How did this happen? Why did it happen? And was it justified?” Stratton said.
But Jessica Burke, the attorney defending Brunell, told the jury that the killing was an act of self-defense. The “rational conclusion” is that Feather attacked Brunell with a pair of scissors, and he stabbed Feather to protect himself, Burke said in her opening statement.
“SELF-DEFENSE ≠ MURDER,” Burke wrote on a large sheet of paper before the jury.
On Tuesday, prosecutors called multiple witnesses and presented evidence that provided more details about the incident on the morning of April 12, 2022, that left Feather dead.
According to testimony from law enforcement witnesses, Brunell had told police he had checked himself into a Berlin hospital several days prior for mental health concerns. After leaving the hospital, he was walking toward I-89 when Feather picked him up along the side of the road.
The two spent several days together, during which Feather and Brunell became close, according to Feather.
“Seth isn’t gay. He’s just a new awesome friend, life partner,” Feather told a friend, Eliza Curtis, in a text message the morning of their death, according to a text exchange between her and Feather that prosecutors presented in court.
But just hours later, around 10 a.m., Morristown resident Karen Cleary was driving down Duhamel Road when she spotted Feather’s lifeless body on the ground, with Brunell speaking on a phone nearby, according to her testimony Tuesday. Cleary stopped and, not long after a brief exchange with Brunell, called 911, she told the court.
According to Lance Lamb, a Morristown patrol officer who responded to the 911 call, Brunell told him that Feather had repeatedly sexually propositioned him while the two were spending time together. Lamb said that Brunell told him he’d turned down Feather’s advances.
But on the morning of the killing, while the two were in Feather’s car, Feather’s sexual propositions became more and more frequent, according to Lamb’s recollection of Brunell’s account.
When Feather, who was in the driver’s seat, crossed over the center of the car toward Brunell, who was in the passenger seat, Brunell “grabbed the knife and he pushed it into Fern’s chest at that point,” Lamb said, relating the story Brunell told him. “He continued pushing on the knife as he pushed Fern out of the driver’s side of the car onto the roadway.”
Lamb’s body camera footage, presented to the court, showed Feather’s body lying face up on the ground next to their car, surrounded by blood. Two dogs were also wandering in the road.
Burke, the defense attorney, used her opening statement and cross-examinations to question law enforcement’s handling of the case. Police had been too hasty with their investigation, she said, saying that Brunell had been criminally charged just hours after his arrest. What’s more, she said, law enforcement had allowed the “egregious” contamination of the crime scene.
She questioned multiple aspects of police officers’ procedures: why they had let dogs roam loose across the crime scene, why they had declined to test a substance found on the blade of a pair of scissors in Feather’s car, how they interpreted markings — that officers said were potential signs of a struggle — on the dirt road.
“The evidence will show that law enforcement rushed this case,” Burke said in her opening statement. “They didn’t slow down and assess the evidence. I submit that, if they had, they would have found that Seth acted in self-defense.”
The trial is expected to continue through this week and into early next week.
Correction: A prior version of this story misrepresented testimony about Brunell’s hospitalization.
Editor’s note: A paragraph in this story has been removed in line with VTDigger’s style guidelines.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Murder trial of Seth Brunell in death of Fern Feather gets underway.
We at VTDigger spend a lot of time searching for state documents — reports, data, policy proposals — on the internet.
And, amidst that searching, we noticed something strange. Some of those Vermont state documents appear to have a connection to an unlikely entity: the Olympic Committee of Portugal.
Here’s a screenshot from a Google search for Vermont records:
Note that all these Vermont documents — from the state corrections department, VTrans, the Agency of Commerce and Community Development — have an unusual piece of text in their heading: Comité Olimpico de Portugal.
What’s going on here? Is Vermont somehow linked to the Portuguese Olympic Committee, which, just last year, fielded the nation’s most successful Olympic team in its history? Does the state of Vermont have a secret connection to such proud medalists as Iúri Leitão, Pedro Pichardo, and Patrícia Sampaio?
Sadly, the answer is não. The problem, according to Josiah Raiche, the chief data and AI officer at the Vermont Agency of Digital Services, is Google.
“Bottom line here is that Google is picking up some incorrect information about the content,” Raiche said.
The putatively Portuguese documents are all stored on a site called outside.vermont.gov, where the state keeps many publicly available records. When that site was first launched, in 2007, “it appears that somebody used the ‘Portuguese Olympic Committee,’ in words, somewhere in the original template that got put up,” Raiche said.
None of these Vermont state documents actually contain the words “Comité Olimpico de Portugal” at this time, but Google continues to use that outdated tag for documents, Raiche said. The text only shows up on Google and no other search engines, he said, and does not represent a security threat.
State officials have been aware of the problem for several years, Raiche said, and have flagged it for Google representatives during regular check-ins with the company. (Google did not respond to an emailed request for comment.)
The issue may seem trivial, Raiche said, but is more impactful than it initially appears. More and more users are using different methods of interacting with state sites, he said, such as AI and screen reading — meaning a line of incorrect text could potentially have an outsize impact on their experience.
“At one level, right, this is a weird oddity of Google,” he said. But “getting stuff like this right, and making sure it presents correctly, actually does, for reals, matter.”
— Peter D’Auria
Jill Briggs Campbell, Deputy Secretary of Education, told lawmakers in the Senate Finance Committee Tuesday that the state should pause rolling out a school construction funding program while education reform efforts take shape. But that doesn’t necessarily mean the state shouldn’t start saving for the program now.
School districts may look much different in the coming years as the Legislature and the administration push for larger, consolidated districts, Briggs Campbell suggested.
“I think we need a year. I think we just need a year to know where we’re going,” she said. “Who would we grant to, and what would they be planning for?”
H.454, the massive education bill moving through the Legislature, creates — but doesn’t immediately fund — a school construction program.
—Ethan Weinstein
Top Vermont Democratic senators on Tuesday called on the state’s Republican Gov. Phil Scott to terminate an agreement with the federal government that allows federal immigration agents to use the state’s prisons to lodge detainees.
The push by Senate President Pro Tempore Phil Baruth, D/P-Chittenden Central; Senate Majority Leader Kesha Ram Hinsdale, D-Chittenden Southeast; and Sen. Becca White, D-Windsor, comes a day after a prominent Palestinian activist — who is a legal U.S. resident — was suddenly arrested by federal agents in Colchester during an appointment with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.
The senators pointed to Mohsen Mahdawi’s arrest as an impetus for their comments to reporters Tuesday afternoon at a press conference in Baruth’s Statehouse office. White, who accompanied Mahdawi to his appointment, captured video of Mahdawi’s detention that has since been widely viewed.
Read more about what they are advocating for here.
— Shaun Robinson
State Education Secretary Zoie Saunders told the Trump administration Monday that Vermont’s schools will continue diversity, equity and inclusion programs and reaffirmed the state’s compliance with federal anti-discrimination laws.
“In Vermont, diversity, equity and inclusion practices are supportive of all students, and aim to create and sustain positive, welcoming learning environments,” Saunders wrote in the Monday letter to the U.S. Department of Education.
Earlier this month, President Donald Trump’s administration wrote to states requesting they certify their compliance with Title VI, a federal civil rights law outlawing racial discrimination. But the feds’ request also referenced “illegal DEI” and seemed to restrict a variety of practices, arguing that school districts have “veil(ed) discriminatory policies” under initiatives like diversity programming, “social-emotional learning” and “culturally responsive” teaching.
Despite earlier requesting each superintendent submit compliance certifications, Monday’s letter from Saunders was Vermont’s single certification, and in it, she told the U.S. Department of Education that the state and districts were in compliance with federal law.
Read more about the debate about whether or not Vermont should certify its compliance here.
— Ethan Weinstein
Read the story on VTDigger here: Final Reading: What does the Portuguese Olympic Committee have to do with the State of Vermont?.
The parents of two Vermont children have sued Snap Inc., which owns and operates Snapchat, accusing the social media company of aiding and abetting a man who allegedly sexually abused their daughters.
The lawsuit stems from a November 2020 incident in which Brandon Rhoades, then 24, allegedly drugged and sexually assaulted two Vermont girls, both of whom were 12 at the time. Rhoades was charged with five felonies in connection with the incident, and last year he was convicted of aggravated sexual assault against a victim under 13 years old after reaching a plea deal with the state.
The 88-page complaint against Snap and Rhoades now alleges that the company “facilitated, encouraged, and ensured the connection between Rhoades and the girls,” who are referred to as E.R. and N.S. to protect their identities.
The complaint argues that Rhoades used Snapchat to contact and then “groom” one of the girls leading up to the incident, using certain features of the platform such as colorful cartoons and filters to deceive the victims about his true age and gain their trust.
The nine-count lawsuit also accuses Snap of a slew of other civil violations in connection with emotional and psychological harms the app allegedly causes minors through addictive features that are “designed to control and manipulate” young users, according to the complaint.
“This lawsuit further seeks to hold Snap and its Snapchat social media product responsible for causing and contributing to the burgeoning mental health crisis perpetrated upon the children and teenagers of the United States by Snap,” the complaint reads, “and, specifically, for the harms Snap caused to minors E.R. and N.S. beginning when they were only 10 years old.”
The case dovetails with Vermont lawmakers’ ongoing efforts to rein in social media platforms that advocates say prey on vulnerable teenagers. The story behind the case has served as a rallying cry for supporters of a bill known as the “Kids Code.”
The bill, which passed the Vermont Senate last month, would require social media companies to adjust algorithms and privacy settings for users under 18.
Lawyers from the Barre-based Martin Delaney & Ricci Law Group filed the suit last month in Vermont Superior Court on behalf of the victims’ parents (who are also referred to by initials in the suit to protect the victims’ identities).
Initially, the case was sealed in accordance with Vermont’s childhood sexual abuse statute, which keeps cases involving the sexual or physical abuse of minors under wraps until a judge makes a preliminary ruling that lends sufficient credence to the allegations. On Friday, however, the case was moved to the U.S. District Court in Burlington, where it was unsealed.
The plaintiffs are also being represented by the Social Media Victims Law Center, an advocacy group that has filed similar cases against companies like Snap and Meta in Connecticut and Oregon, among other states.
“There is a reason these predators are using Snapchat, and it’s because Snapchat provides them with the tools,” said Laura Marquez-Garrett, an attorney working on the case for the Social Media Victims Law Center, in an interview. “It is essentially matchmaking for predators.”
Snap did not respond to VTDigger’s request for comment Monday. VTDigger could not reach Brandon Rhoades for comment. He is currently serving a prison sentence for his assault on one of the victims at Vermont’s Northwest State Correctional Facility in St. Albans.
N.S. and E.R. were both 12 and had both been using Snapchat for over a year when 24-year-old Brandon Rhoades entered their lives.
According to the lawsuit, Snapchat recommended that N.S. use its “quick add” feature to connect with Rhoades, who lived nearby and went by the username “hockeylax30.” Although N.S. and Rhoades had no mutual connections on the app, Snapchat referred to him as her “friend” and “made him appear harmless and fun” by depicting him as a cartoon avatar, among other misrepresentations, the lawsuit claims.
“On information or belief, Snap knew or should have known that N.S. was a minor and that Rhoades was an adult,” the complaint reads, but it still encouraged the 12-year-old to match with the man.
Once they had added each other, the app “pushed” N.S. to engage with Rhoades, the lawsuit alleges, urging her to increase her “Snap Score” — a feature that rewards users with points the more they use the app — by messaging with her “friend.”
“Rhoades was not her ‘friend.’ He was a sexual predator,” the complaint reads.
Claiming to be 17 while talking to N.S., Rhoades used a cartoon avatar and Snapchat’s camera filters to represent himself as younger than he actually was as he began “grooming” N.S. — or developing an inappropriate relationship with her — on the app, the lawsuit alleges.
Eventually, they agreed to meet in person.
On Nov. 1, 2020, N.S. slept over at E.R.’s house. Once E.R.’s mother fell asleep the girls snuck out and met Rhoades.
Rhoades picked the girls up in his car and gave them alcohol and a nicotine vape, neither of which they had tried before, according to a police investigator’s report of the incident included in the criminal case documents.
Once the girls were intoxicated, the girls later told police, Rhoades tried to kiss N.S., who left the car to be sick and then ran away. E.R. told investigators that Rhoades then raped her, the police report states.
When E.R. later got out of the car to find her friend, Rhoades drove away, leaving the girls alone in the cold night, miles from home, according to the police report.
An off-duty police officer later encountered the two children walking on Route 2 without jackets on and picked them up, the report reads.
Rhoades was arrested several days after the incident and charged with five felonies in connection with the incident, according to public records. In December 2024, he was convicted of aggravated sexual assault against a victim under 13 years old after agreeing to a plea deal and was sentenced to 10 years in prison.
The lawsuit accuses Snap of “consciously supporting and aiding and abetting” Rhoades’ crime, and it seeks to hold the company liable for failing to warn the victims and their parents that Snapchat was connecting young children with adults.
At the same time, the suit more broadly alleges that the social media platform has intentionally designed its app to addict minors like N.S. and E.R., ultimately causing significant emotional and physical damage to its young users.
“Snapchat encourages harmful forms of social comparison and inevitably pushes such children towards harmful ‘rabbit holes,’ causing anxiety, depression, eating disorders, self-harm, and suicidality,” the complaint reads.
Marquez-Garrett said the suit seeks to hold Snap accountable for contributing to an epidemic of social media addiction.
“These kids will tell you with tears shooting down their eyes, shaking, ‘I don’t know why, but I can’t stop… I can’t live without Snapchat,’” she said, referring to interviews with dozens of children she has conducted in her advocacy work.
Among the many claims that the lawsuit leveled against the company are that it has violated the Vermont Consumer Protection Act and has unjustly enriched itself with advertising revenue by allowing predators like Rhoades to use the site.
The complaint asks the court for punitive damages against Snap, among other requests for monetary compensation.
The suit, which was originally filed in Vermont state court, was moved to U.S. District Court in Burlington following a request from Snap, which argued in court filings that Rhoades had been “fraudulently misjoined” to the case and that, since Snap isn’t a Vermont-specific company, the case should be in federal court.
But Marquez-Garrett said this was an effort by the company to find a more favorable jurisdiction.
“These companies, they don’t want to be in state court,” she said. “They don’t want the magnifying glass that state courts put on them.”
On Monday, lawyers for the victims’ parents filed an emergency motion to remand the case back to Vermont state court.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Snapchat sued in connection with Vermont child sexual abuse case.
Vermont State Police arrested 18-year-old Stephen Nuciolo Jr. on a second-degree murder charge in the January 2024 shooting death of his father, 44-year-old Stephen Nuciolo Sr.
Nuciolo Sr. was found dead from a gunshot wound to the head at his home on Swinton Road in Bridport on Jan. 24, 2024. The investigation remained open for more than a year until recent developments led detectives to arrest Nuciolo Jr. on Monday, according to a press release from Vermont State Police.
During his arraignment on Tuesday, Nuciolo Jr. invoked a right known as the “24-hour rule” to give him until Wednesday to enter his plea. At the Tuesday appearance, the court upheld its order to hold the defendant without bail until Wednesday, when it will consider arguments on bail and potential release.
The Vermont Attorney General’s Office said in a Tuesday press release it would not oppose a request for the defendant to be considered for youthful offender status, as he was 17 years old at the time of Nuciolo Sr.’s death, according to a police affidavit.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Bridport man arrested and charged with father’s murder.
A lawsuit filed in federal court on Monday alleges the city of Burlington and Patrick Leahy Burlington International Airport officials “improperly retaliated” against a local helicopter company and its owner and violated his first amendment rights after he spoke out against the airport in local media reports.
Eric Chase, the owner of Mansfield Heliflight, a Milton-based charter flight and aircraft repair company that owns and operates a fleet of helicopters, claims in his complaint that his company was punished after he criticized Beta Technologies’ expansion at the airport in the local news.
Beta, the electric aviation company founded in 2017, has rapidly expanded at the airport in recent years. The company in 2022 signed a 75-year lease with the airport, and in 2023 opened a 188,500-square-foot production facility in “The Valley,” the Burlington airport’s hub for general aviation.
But in 2021, other tenants in the Valley — including general aviation companies like charters, flight schools and private plane operators — complained that the city was showing “undue favoritism” towards Beta “in a manner that was going to displace (Mansfield Heliflight) and other general aviation companies” from the airport, Chase’s lawsuit alleges.
Chase criticized the airport in local media, and told VTDigger at the time that the airport had not consulted with him about its future plans.
In the spring of 2022, when Chase tried to renew a five-year lease at BTV, airport officials insisted that Mansfield Heliflight sign on to a non-disparagement agreement as a condition of renewal, attorneys representing Chase allege in the lawsuit.
“In other words, if (Mansfield Heliflight) wanted to remain at BTV, it needed to refrain from any further public criticism of the city’s policies and decisions regarding Beta Technologies and the airport,” the lawsuit reads.
When Chase refused, officials with the city and the airport “engaged in multiple and severe acts of retaliation designed to financially harm” Chase and his company and to “interfere with their use of the airport and to force” them off the airport, according to the lawsuit.
The lawsuit further alleges that because Chase refused to sign on to the non-disparagement clause, airport officials insisted on reducing the square footage allocated to Mansfield Heliflight in the lease renewal agreement. They also improperly increased their rent to “a rate higher than any rent paid by any existing tenant on the airport,” the lawsuit claims.
The federal complaint, filed in U.S. District Court in Burlington, names the city, the airport, Nic Longo, BTV’s director of aviation, and David Carmen, the deputy director of aviation, as defendants.
Longo and Carmen did not respond to a request for comment. Joe Magee, the deputy chief of staff to Burlington Mayor Emma Mulvaney-Stanak, said the city could not comment on pending litigation.
Chase’s lease was eventually terminated in September 2022. The lease is the subject of a separate dispute filed against the city, airport and Beta in state court in 2022.
The state court complaint, which alleges the city and airport breached their contract and reneged on a five-year lease renewal, remains underway in Vermont Superior Court. Attorneys representing Chase in that case did not respond to a voicemail seeking comment.
The fallout from the lease dispute, and what the lawsuit describes as the airport’s retaliation against Chase, “effectively destroyed” his company’s business operations at the airport, he alleges.
Roy Goldberg, one of three attorneys representing Chase in the federal suit, called the city’s behavior “outrageous.”
“It’s just not the way to run an airport, when you basically try to gag people for saying they don’t agree with a certain policy decision,” Goldberg said in an interview.
“This is a situation where you have the folks who are running the airport not playing by the rules they’re supposed to play by,” he said.
Chase declined to comment through his attorney.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Federal lawsuit filed against BTV, Burlington alleges ‘campaign of improper retaliation’ against airport tenant.
Updated at 7:47 p.m.
MONTPELIER — Top Vermont Democratic senators on Tuesday called on the state’s Republican Gov. Phil Scott to terminate an agreement with the federal government that allows immigration enforcement agencies to hold detainees at state-owned prisons.
The push by Senate President Pro Tempore Phil Baruth, D/P-Chittenden Central; Senate Majority Leader Kesha Ram Hinsdale, D-Chittenden Southeast; and Sen. Becca White, D-Windsor, comes a day after a prominent Palestinian activist — who is a legal U.S. resident — was suddenly arrested by federal agents in Colchester during an interview for U.S. citizenship.
The senators pointed to Mohsen Mahdawi’s arrest by masked and plainclothes officers as an impetus for their comments to reporters Tuesday afternoon at a press conference in Baruth’s Statehouse office. White, who accompanied Mahdawi to his interview, captured video of Mahdawi’s detention that has since been widely viewed.
Mahdawi, a student organizer at Columbia University, was being held at one of the state’s prisons — Northwest State Correctional Facility in St. Albans — as of Tuesday afternoon, according to an online database of detainees in the state.
Federal immigration agencies “have lost the trust, we believe, not only in the Senate — but of Vermonters, generally,” Baruth told reporters. He also aimed criticism at Scott, contending the governor has not made enough of an effort to push back against federal actions that, in the pro tem’s view, are “making our communities less safe.”
In a brief statement to VTDigger Tuesday after the senators’ press conference, Scott’s press secretary, Amanda Wheeler, said the governor planned to meet with legislative leadership to discuss their request further.
Scott’s office then sent out a press release calling for Mahdawi to be released from detention unless “there is evidence that Mahdawi is a threat to the security of our nation, or Vermont,” adding the office was seeking “further clarification of the facts in this case.”
“What cannot be justified, is how this action was undertaken,” the release continued. “Law enforcement officers in this country should not operate in the shadows or hide behind masks.”
At issue is a memorandum of understanding the state signed last August with U.S. Customs and Border Protection, the federal agency that is part of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, along with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE. The agreement also requires the state to provide medical care for people detained by the feds as if they were in state custody.
Under the memo, which was first reported by VTDigger earlier this month, the state receives $180 per night from the federal government per person held. That fee is less, however, than the actual cost to hold someone, according to corrections leadership.
The agreement does not specify how long detainees can be held in state prisons but does allow prison superintendents to “refuse admittance due to capacity.” The state’s role in housing federal detainees has ramped up significantly in the months since President Donald Trump took office for a second time, VTDigger has reported.
The agreement is in effect until this August. It requires Vermont to provide at least 120 days’ notice of its intent to pull out, which, from Tuesday, would run into mid-August.
The senators’ press conference Tuesday appeared to jolt debates over whether the agreement should be nixed into the public sphere after such conversations had been brewing behind the scenes in the Statehouse, even on Tuesday morning.
Baruth told reporters he was aware of at least one committee chair in the House and one in the Senate who had been in conversations with Scott’s administration about steps the state could take to “renegotiate” its memorandum with the feds, but “those talks seem to have hit a wall.” He suggested the governor’s office was slow-walking negotiations with lawmakers, which prompted him to take his case to the press.
Pressed by reporters, Baruth also said he had not personally asked the governor to cancel the agreement outright. Rather, “I am asking that right now,” he said, referring to the press conference.
Two members of the House Corrections and Institutions Committee had written to Scott’s chief of staff, Jason Gibbs, on Tuesday morning asking for a meeting about legislation aimed at ending the agreement with the feds, according to an email obtained by VTDigger. The two lawmakers — Rep. Troy Headrick, I-Burlington, and Rep. Conor Casey, D-Montpelier — wrote they were “committed to making this work and to providing the cover your office may need” to support the proposal, the message reads.
Gibbs wrote back around the time the senators’ press conference ended that Scott’s office would be communicating with House leadership “on all matters of importance to the people of Vermont,” though did not provide further details, according to a separate email obtained by VTDigger.
In a separate written statement after the press conference took place, House Speaker Jill Krowinski, D-Burlington, called Mahdawi’s arrest “completely unacceptable” and said she has “been having thoughtful and strategic conversations about next steps that are within the bounds of the Legislature.”
She added, “that means ensuring we understand the full legal and operational scope of the MOU with ICE and making sure any and all action we take does not unintentionally impact the individuals we are trying to protect.”
The state Corrections Department has previously told VTDigger that it believes it’s able to provide better care for people held by immigration authorities than they would receive in federal detention centers. In at least one case, attorneys for another recently detained college student — Rümeysa Öztürk — have asked a federal judge to consider moving their client to a detention facility in Vermont, among other options, rather than allow her to continue being held in a facility in Louisiana.
Öztürk is one of several students ICE has held at the Louisiana facility in recent weeks, a strategy that, according to NPR, attorneys say the government is using to have the students’ immigration proceedings heard before more conservative courts.
Asked about that concern Tuesday, the senators said that recent arrests around the country, and rhetoric from the Trump administration, have pushed them to seek limits to the state’s involvement with federal immigration enforcement as much as possible. Baruth said a judge would still be able to order a federal immigration detainee to be held in a Vermont prison, if the facts of a given legal case allowed it.
“We have already been asking members of the (Scott) administration to look at our responsibility being a pathway for people being abducted from other states to land here and then be sent onward,” Ram Hinsdale, the majority leader, told reporters. “That is not something we should have done in our name.”
Ethan Weinstein contributed reporting.
Clarification: This story has been updated to clarify the relationship between two federal agencies.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Vermont Senate leaders urge Gov. Phil Scott to terminate state agreement with federal immigration officials.
Clara Carroll grew up in South Starksboro and now lives just three miles down the road in Lincoln. Hidden within that short distance is a stretch of time spent out west, when she studied political science at Colorado College.
To get out of the “college bubble” and connect more deeply with her community, she and a friend started volunteering at a group living home in Colorado Springs.
She recalls one person who would hang out in the kitchen while they were making dinner. “I remember chopping onions and garlic, and this man would start talking about his life, the places he’d lived, the people he’d known, the things he was proud of and the things he was ashamed of. I remember feeling so honored to hear someone’s stories. To be let in.”
“I loved it,” Clara says. “The work allowed me to tap into the place I was living in a very different way, and that felt very rewarding. It felt like I had something to offer there. That’s when I started thinking that social work might be my career path.” She was right.
After completing her bachelor’s degree, Clara returned to Vermont and spent the next few years working at a homeless shelter, in several afterschool programs, and in the Burlington Housing Authority’s offender reentry program, which serves people coming out of the Chittenden County Correctional Facility.
She eventually settled in at the Parent-Child Center in Middlebury, which serves families across Addison County. Clara says her work is primarily “based in the relationships I create with people. The practicalities of what they need help with—housing, healthcare, addictions, or working with family services—are secondary.”
While she’s always been able to make meaningful connections with people, Clara found that the experience of having children (she and her partner have a 4- and 5-year-old) gave her yet another way to tap into her role and her community differently. “Having kids makes things heavier when things are hard, or when things are not going well for a child. It hits me in a deeper way. At the same time, it’s helped me understand more deeply how difficult it is, what it feels like to not sleep for days on end, and the way it can impact your life. It gives me infinite empathy for the challenges that come about,” she says.
As “a part of the ‘village’” of support in her community, Clara needed support from the village as well. For the last three and a half years, Clara has been pursuing a master’s degree in clinical mental health counseling at Vermont State University (VTSU). She’s enrolled in the weekend format for working professionals, where students take one class at a time and meet with their cohort one weekend a month.
Now in the practicum portion of the program, Clara works three days a week so she can do her internship two days a week. “It’s a wild time in life to be working, interning, studying, and raising a 4- and 5-year-old. It’s a lot to fit in. But I’m not alone in that at all. Others in my cohort are in similar circumstances.”
Many of her peers have also worked in the field for years and are juggling jobs, families, and school. Clara admires their collective level of expertise, commitment, and belief in doing hard things together. “They’re all really talented, skilled people who we need doing this kind of work,” she says.
For many of them, including Clara, VSAC funding has made their studies more affordable. When Clara enrolled at VTSU, a state grant helped pay her tuition. While that funding is no longer available, she’s now receiving a Vermont Mental Health Forgivable Loan, an interest-free loan that pays up to 100% of tuition. That program, administered by VSAC and funded by the state of Vermont, forgives one year of student loan debt for every year the student works in Vermont’s mental health field post-graduation.
Clara says going back to school while supporting a family has made things tight financially, and she wouldn’t have started the program without the funding available through the original grant and wouldn’t have been able to continue without the forgivable loan. “I feel very grateful.”
Now, she’s about to finish her second internship (her first was at the Parent-Child Center) at Mt. Abraham Middle/High School in Bristol, where her partner teaches middle school and where Clara went to school. Some of the same faculty members who taught Clara are still there, and she has delighted in being part of the school community in a different way. While many mental health providers choose not to practice in their home communities—to avoid the small-town realities of running into clients at the grocery store or at your child’s school—Clara sees these connections as a positive.
“There are ways to manage it gracefully, especially if you bring the same approach you bring to your work: letting others take the lead on how they want to interact with you. When people you work with professionally also see you as a human and see that they have things in common with you, it can be helpful.”
When she graduates, Clara hopes to expand into more clinical work at her current agency. But no matter where she ends up practicing, she wants it to be local. “There are a lot of people in my own community who face a lot of obstacles and aren’t really heard or seen. I feel passionate about sticking with that.”
A decade and a half after volunteering at the group home in Colorado Springs, Clara is still practicing her gift for letting others be seen and heard, the same way she offered a listening ear to the man in the kitchen. But Clara sees it more as a gift she receives. “It’s surprising and incredible to me every time someone welcomes me in—to their home or to their story. I feel totally honored.”
The Vermont Student Assistance Corp. was created by the Vermont Legislature in 1965 as a public nonprofit agency. We advocate for Vermont students and their families to ensure that they have the tools they need to achieve their education and training goals. We create opportunities for all Vermont students, but particularly for those—of any age—who believe that the doors to education are closed to them. Growing families save for education with VT529, Vermont’s official 529 savings program. To help Vermonters plan and pay for college or job training, our counselors work with students in nearly every Vermont middle school and high school, and are also available to work with adults. Our grant, scholarship, and workforce development programs create opportunity, help students re-skill or learn new skills, and grow the economy. VSAC’s loan and loan forgiveness programs provide competitive education financing to students and families. Find us at www.vsac.org or visit Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn.
Read the story on VTDigger here: How chopping onions led one Vermonter to changing lives.
State Education Secretary Zoie Saunders told the Trump administration Monday that Vermont’s schools will continue diversity, equity and inclusion programs and reaffirmed the state’s compliance with federal anti-discrimination laws.
“In Vermont, diversity, equity and inclusion practices are supportive of all students, and aim to create and sustain positive, welcoming learning environments,” Saunders wrote in the Monday letter to the U.S. Department of Education.
Earlier this month, President Donald Trump’s administration wrote to states requesting they certify their compliance with Title VI, a federal civil rights law outlawing racial discrimination. But the feds’ request also referenced “illegal DEI” and seemed to restrict a variety of practices, arguing that school districts have “veil(ed) discriminatory policies” under initiatives like diversity programming, “social-emotional learning” and “culturally responsive” teaching.
Initially, Saunders requested each superintendent submit compliance certifications. The Vermont Agency of Education argued the federal directive only required districts to affirm their compliance with existing law, something they’re already required to do.
But that decision angered the associations representing school leaders, who told Saunders and Attorney General Charity Clark that Vermont’s approach to the federal directive was “not workable.”
Initially, Saunders doubled down on the request to districts. But later the same day, the state walked back its position, instead informing superintendents that the Agency of Education would submit a single certification to the federal government.
Monday’s letter from Saunders was Vermont’s single certification, and in it, she told the U.S. Department of Education that the state and districts were in compliance with federal law.
But Saunders also used the missive to signal opposition to the Trump administration’s efforts to restrict or ban diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives.
“Vermont is proud of its efforts to foster positive, welcoming learning environments for all its students,” Saunders wrote. “And because of — not despite — those efforts, Vermont can confidently certify — as it has in the past — that it complies with current Title VI statutory, regulatory, and decisional law.”
The letter also offered a legal perspective on the federal request, noting that no law “prohibits diversity, equity, or inclusion” and that the certification did not force compliance with “Executive Orders, memoranda, or guidance materials or the undefined language regarding ‘certain DEI practices’ or ‘illegal DEI’ in the Request for Certification.”
Other states have resisted the Trump administration’s diversity, equity and inclusion-related demands. According to Education Week, 11 states have said they will not sign certifications.
Clarification: This article was updated to reflect Attorney General Charity Clark’s role.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Zoie Saunders tells feds Vermont schools will continue DEI .
This commentary is by Kalev Freeman of Duxbury. He is an associate professor of emergency medicine at the University of Vermont’s Larner College of Medicine and an emergency physician at the University of Vermont Medical Center.
I’m writing today because I’m deeply concerned about recent attacks on science funding — especially the drastic cuts to the National Institutes of Health.
I’ve dedicated my career to research in emergency medicine that is improving the care of trauma patients in rural areas like Vermont. I work with other scientists and doctors to develop better diagnostic tests, optimize blood transfusion protocols, and discover new drugs that decrease inflammation and abnormal blood clotting in severely injured patients.
These medical advances are especially important for members of our community injured in remote locations requiring long transport times to access emergency care. All this research is possible because of funding from the National Institutes of Health. Our work to help improve the lives of Vermonters depends on this funding and without it, Vermonters will suffer.
What people may not realize is that medical research not only improves health, but also brings federal dollars into the state that create good jobs with benefits. For example, one of our research studies was recently awarded a $12 million grant, including about $1.4 million for my team at the University of Vermont, to study the life-saving potential of plasma transfusions in severe trauma.
Almost all of these dollars go to salaries, including those of the custodians, technicians, nurses and staff who form the backbone of our university. These grants also provide opportunities for the next generation of doctors and scientists who are eager to engage in cutting-edge research. Students and trainees in our labs learn how to think critically and do science, while advancing their own careers.
Over the past two months, we have witnessed an unprecedented attack on science, including cuts to federal research contracts and training grants, termination of National Institutes of Health staff, and a general breakdown in the process for dispersing new funds. If unchecked, these actions will wipe out an entire generation of trainees, compromise our scientific progress, and knock the USA out of the lead position in science and technology that we have enjoyed for decades.
Gutting the National Institutes of Health will certainly not help our budget deficit, as the total funding for the institution is less than 1% of total federal spending. As Congress prepares FY2026 appropriations, it is critical that we stand up for science and support funding the National Institutes of Health and other key science agencies.
We need continued investments in research to make Vermonters healthier, uplift our institutions of higher education and create good jobs for hardworking Vermonters.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Kalev Freeman: Stand up for science.
The Rutland City Public Schools and its teachers’ union have reached an impasse in contract negotiations ahead of an April 15 deadline, which the school district says could result in layoffs.
Salaries proposed by the Rutland Education Association union pose “a significant difference” to those proposed by the city’s school board, according to a letter Superintendent Bill Olsen sent teachers and other staff Monday. To bring the union’s proposed salary in line with the school district’s voter-approved budgets, the district must issue staffing reductions, Olsen added in the letter.
Without clarity on what a final contract may be, Olsen wrote that the district must put out official notices for so-called reductions in force, or RIF, decisions by April 15, a deadline set in the teachers’ current contract. Such letters provide notice to teachers that their position is not secure for the coming school year.
“Our teachers, our members are incredibly disappointed,” union President Sue Tanen said. “To tie the bargaining process to RIF notices while we’re still at the table, it’s incredibly disheartening, and members are clearly upset by it.”
Those notices were scheduled to go out to some staff members Monday afternoon, according to the letter. Tanen declined to say if any union members had received such letters yet. Olsen wrote in his letter that notices would be recalled if the contract negotiations result in a salary increase in line with what district management believes its budget can support.
However, the threat of reductions in force notices has not changed union members’ goals, Tanen said.
“We just keep saying that we are coming to the table. We’re willing to come to the table,” Tanen said. “We have not really changed our stance — that is our stance, that we’re just going to keep coming to the table and advocating for our members.”
The union is asking for equitable pay with other teachers in the region as well as sick time that accounts for the toll the Covid-19 pandemic took on many teachers, Tanen added.
“We wish this was not happening, but we need to continue to operate in good faith consistent with all of the applicable rules required by the contract,” Olsen wrote in the letter. “Please know that we are fully committed to our great staff and will proceed with transparency, and more importantly, with compassion.”
The teachers’ contract with the district expired in July 2024. Their negotiations for a new one have been ongoing since January 2024, according to the Rutland Herald.
“We’ve been without a new contract for close to the whole school year, and the effect that has on the morale of teachers going in every day, it’s incredibly difficult,” Tanen said. “They give every part of their being to make these kids’ days everything that they can be. And so it’s incredibly frustrating that we’re still here and that we’re not done.”
Neither Olsen nor the school board’s head of contract negotiations responded immediately to requests for comment.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Rutland school district contract negotiations lead to staff layoffs .
HYDE PARK — The trial of the man charged with the murder of Fern Feather, a transgender Hinesburg woman, began Monday, nearly three years to the day after Feather’s death.
Seth Brunell, 46, has pleaded not guilty to a second-degree murder charge for the killing of Feather, 29, on April 12, 2022. If convicted, he could face up to life in prison.
According to charging documents, Brunell had told law enforcement officers in 2022 that Feather had picked him up while he was hitchhiking. The pair spent several days together before Brunell allegedly stabbed Feather to death, according to Brunell and others. He told police officers at the time that he was acting in self defense, and that Feather had sexually propositioned him and then attacked him when he turned them down.
The first full day of the case — which has already seen months of delays — was taken up by jury selection, in which the prosecutor and defense attorney asked a pool of potential jurors a series of questions.
Aliena Gerhard, the Lamoille County state’s attorney, asked possible jurors about their opinions on LGBTQ+ people. Asking for a show of hands, Gerhard asked, “Do any of you have moral or religious beliefs against transsexuality?” No hands went up.
“Do any of you have moral or religious beliefs against homosexuality?” Gerhard asked, again eliciting no hands. But another question — whether potential jurors were annoyed by questions about their pronouns — drew a few raised hands, as did the question, “Do you think that there should be only two genders?”
Questions from Jessica Burke, the attorney representing Brunell, took a different tack. Burke, a lawyer with Burlington firm Burke Law, asked: Were jurors generally able to change their minds when presented with new evidence? Had possible jurors ever been provoked by anyone, or ever felt trapped? If someone causes the death of someone else, does that necessarily amount to murder?
On Monday, Brunell was dressed in a light blue dress shirt and sported a neatly pulled-back ponytail. For most of the day, he sat quietly with a placid expression, sometimes writing notes or speaking with his attorneys.
Brunell is being charged separately with attempting to escape from St. Johnsbury’s Northeast Correctional Complex in April 2023, when he allegedly tried to scale a fence with the help of sheets knotted together.
By midafternoon, after much shuffling in the jury box, the court finally selected 16 possible jurors, 12 of whom will be randomly selected to actually serve at the end of the case.
“Ladies and gentlemen, we have a jury,” Lamoille County Superior Court Judge Mary Morrissey said around 3:10 p.m., to applause.
Opening statements are scheduled to begin Tuesday morning in the case, which is expected to last roughly a week.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Jury selected for murder trial of Seth Brunell in killing of Fern Feather .
When Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., made an unexpected stop at the Coachella music festival in Indio, California, the crowd roared.
The festival appearance was a surprise addition to the Vermont senator’s ongoing national ‘Fighting Oligarchy’ tour, a series of events to unify progressive voters and fight corporate interests. During a three-minute speech, Sanders touched on the racial, economic and reproductive health care issues central to his platform.
“The younger generation has to help lead in the fight to combat climate change, protect women’s rights, and build an economy that works for all, not just the few,” Sanders said in a post on X after the appearance.
The speech also mentioned President Donald Trump, eliciting boos from the audience. “I agree,” Sanders said in response.
After warning the crowd of Trump’s ongoing threats to democracy, Sanders introduced musician Clairo to the stage, praising her progressive political advocacy.
“I’m here because Clairo has used her prominence to fight for women’s rights, to try to end the terrible, brutal war in Gaza, where thousands of women and children are being killed,” Sanders said.
The 83-year-old senator delivered the Coachella speech after a rally with Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., in Los Angeles earlier Saturday. A crowd of 36,000 showed up to that event, making it his largest rally ever, Sanders’ communications director Anna Bahr said in a post on X.
The Los Angeles rally marked the beginning of the second phase of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour. This week, Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez will stop in Republican congressional districts in Idaho, California and Montana. In a video posted to the senator’s YouTube, he said he hopes to remind progressives that they are not part of a “fringe minority.”
“I want people in the communities that we visit and people throughout the country to understand that they are not alone when they feel outraged by what Trump is doing to our country,” Sanders said in the video.
Representatives from Sanders’ team were not immediately available for comment.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Bernie Sanders makes surprise appearance at Coachella amid ‘Fighting Oligarchy’ tour.
Updated at 7:49 p.m.
Masked men in plainclothes detained an Upper Valley resident in Colchester during a scheduled citizenship interview Monday morning, despite his status as a lawful U.S. permanent resident.
Mohsen Mahdawi’s lawyers filed a petition Monday alleging unlawful detention in the U.S. District Court in Vermont. Judge William Sessions III then issued a temporary restraining order saying Mahdawi cannot be removed from Vermont or the U.S. pending further orders from the court.
Mahdawi, 34, is believed to be detained at the Northwest State Correctional Facility in St. Albans as of Monday evening.
“The Trump administration detained Mohsen Mahdawi in direct retaliation for his advocacy on behalf of Palestinians and because of his identity as a Palestinian,” said Luna Droubi, one of his attorneys, via email. “His detention is an attempt to silence those who speak out against the atrocities in Gaza. It is also unconstitutional.”
Born and raised in a refugee camp on the West Bank, Mahdawi was an activist and organizer of student protests at Columbia University while he studied philosophy there. Until March 2024, he was “an outspoken critic of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza,” according to court documents, but has taken a step back from organizing since.
Mahdawi, who owns a cabin in West Fairlee, currently lives in New York City and plans to start a master’s program at Columbia this fall, according to his lawyers. He has been a lawful permanent resident of the United States for 10 years.
A familiar face at various meetings and protests, those who know him in Vermont said he is a pacifist who is willing to talk to people from all sides.
“He’s always been a very peaceful man. He’s always been a bridge builder,” said friend and neighbor Christopher Helali, who shot a video of Mahdawi being detained in Colchester Monday morning, calling the event “horrific” and an “absolute injustice.”
“He’s a green card holder. He’s lawfully here. He did everything by the book. He never advocated for violence. In fact, he’s always advocated for peace and for dialog and reconciliation,” said Helali, who lives in Vershire and was elected high bailiff in Orange County last November.
He said he believes his friend was targeted because he spoke out against the crimes committed by Israel against Palestinians in Gaza and in the West Bank.
Both men from the Middle East, Helali said the two have been friends for years. So he didn’t hesitate when Mahdawi asked him to accompany him to his Monday citizenship appointment.
Helali and Sen. Becca White, D-Windsor, were among the people present at the field office of the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services at 463 Mountain View Drive to support Mahdawi during what was supposed to be a routine citizenship interview at 11 a.m.
Instead, they said they saw a handcuffed Mahdawi, accompanied by several plainclothes, masked and hooded men, put into an unmarked black vehicle just after noon.
“I tried to connect with the officers, or whoever they were,” White said. “They wouldn’t give me information. They wouldn’t tell me who they were. They wouldn’t give me any IDs.” She estimated there were at least six cars and about 10 men there.
White subsequently posted videos from the incident outside the USCIS office.
The videos show Mahdawi wearing a grey suit and making the peace sign with both hands before being put into a black Nissan with green Vermont license plates.
As they awaited further information, White said she was shocked this happened in Vermont, to a resident she described as a kind human and a peaceful protester.
“What I learned today is Vermont is not safe,” White said. “This happened here in Colchester, Vermont, with an Upper Valley resident, a young man who has been deeply ingrained in our community. And it is just so clear that if he can be taken, anyone can be taken.”
Vermont Sens. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., Peter Welch, D-Vt., and Rep. Becca Balint, D-Vt., condemned the arrest as “immoral, inhumane, and illegal,” in a statement issued Monday afternoon.
“Mr. Mahdawi, a legal resident of the United States, must be afforded due process under the law and immediately released from detention,” they said in the statement.
Mahdawi’s detainment comes about a month after Mahmoud Khalil – another Palestinian, Columbia University student and legal permanent resident – was arrested March 8, supposedly for participating in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities,” as NPR reported. Khalil’s lawyers have disputed the charge, arguing that criticism of Israel’s actions in Gaza and U.S. support should not be equated with antisemitism.
Mahdawi and Khalil reportedly started an organization called Palestinian Student Union at Columbia and both helped organize pro-Palestinian activities on campus.
Khalil’s arrest was the first after President Donald Trump promised to crack down on student protests on campus and any action he deems as “pro-terrorist, anti-Semitic, anti-American activity.”
Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s recent use of an obscure statute from the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, which authorizes Rubio to deport anyone he believes is a threat to the country, as the AP has reported, coupled with Mahdawi’s and Khalil’s cases, indicate that immigration authorities are targeting pro-Palestine student activists in the U.S. for deportation, even when they are legal residents.
In their court filing today, Mahdawi’s lawyers wrote, “the government has made clear
that it intends to retaliate and punish individuals such as Mr. Mahdawi who advocated for ceasefire and ending the bloodshed in Gaza.”
They further note that the actions today “plainly violate the First Amendment, which protects Mr. Mahdawi’s right to speak on matters of public concern and prevents the government from chilling constitutionally-protected speech.”
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not immediately respond to emails seeking comment.
Read the story on VTDigger here: Palestinian man legally in the US detained in Colchester during citizenship interview.
BRATTLEBORO — As local leaders race to revise a forthcoming municipal budget after a March Town Meeting defeat of a $25 million plan, they are split over how to decrease spending by July 1 to avoid a projected tax increase of 12%.
“I’m very optimistic that we can make cuts of a sufficient nature and add revenues of a sufficient nature so that we have a budget that is more structurally sound than the one that was rejected and everything’s hunky-dory,” Selectboard Chair Elizabeth McLoughlin said Thursday at the first of a month of special follow-up sessions.
But when three newly elected members to the five-person board introduced the idea of a municipal hiring freeze, they faced pushback from McLoughlin and Town Manager John Potter, the latter who said that only he should be making decisions about specific people and positions.
“I manage the staff,” Potter said.
The 2 1/2-hour session — part of a series to continue Tuesdays and Thursdays in April before a May or June revote — ended without a decision. Instead, a divide emerged between local leaders who drafted the defeated budget and fledgling board members who campaigned on the promise of fiscal change.
“The thing I want to do is economize and find ways to reduce the budget,” said Oscar Heller, a newcomer and board vice chair. “I’ve been told over and over again that doing it by attrition and by hiring freeze is the much-preferred way rather than considering actual reductions, so we have to be able to talk about that.”
Heller served this winter as chair of an advisory Town Meeting Finance Committee that issued a rare public resolution questioning why local leaders, facing double-digit increases in staffing, health insurance and trash disposal costs, weren’t studying decreases in the biggest single source of spending, personnel.
“We recognize that the concept of staff cuts is painful,” the resolution said, “but we believe that considering it is an essential part of the responsible management of the town.”
Now seeking to review employee numbers over the next several months, Heller proposed the hiring freeze.
“Unfilled positions are a rare opportunity to possibly decrease ongoing costs without firing somebody,” he said. “That doesn’t mean no position can be filled, it just means that filling an empty position becomes an intentional decision of the board.”
Heller noted that although the former selectboard voted for up to nine new police positions last fall — declaring a rise in crime an “emergency” and using $675,669 in unassigned general funds — the town still had at least one of those ancillary positions open and available for savings.
“I’m looking for ways to find small budget compromises in the face of what was already a really big quick increase for the department,” he said.
But the town manager objected, saying that administrators were screening applicants for the support post.
“It’s very disruptive to the management of the town to be having conversations about individual staff positions,” Potter said.
Heller disagreed, noting it felt like “a bridge too far” to be told the board couldn’t discuss whether to fill open positions.
“I am out of fighting energy on this topic for tonight,” Heller went on to conclude, “but the energy will return tomorrow.”
Potter has opposed staff cuts for months, most recently in a memorandum in which he offered scenarios about what could happen as a result.
In one case, Potter said a cut of a finance department worker could mean “overworked staff miss a critical deadline for a scheduled debt payment, triggering penalties and damaging the town’s credit rating,” according to the memo. “Residents are left paying more in taxes to cover the financial mismanagement.”
In a second example, a cut of a human resources employee could mean “job postings for critical roles were delayed for months.” the memo said. “Instead of saving money, the cuts created a staffing crisis, leaving emergency services stretched thin, road maintenance delayed, and essential town resources overwhelmed.”
In a third, a cut of a clerical worker to support town boards and committees could mean “meetings become disorganized, with missing agendas, delayed minutes, warning and procedural errors,” the memo said. “Instead of a smoothly run government, Brattleboro becomes bogged down in inefficiency and confusion.”
Many locals have complained about the memo, with resident Eric Caron noting at one meeting that such “doomsday things” are “not professional, those are threats.” The local website ibrattleboro.com, for its part, commented through a column headlined, “Town of Brattleboro Budget-Cutting Scenarios Win Award for Short Fiction.”
“A drop in the tax rate increase,” ibrattleboro.com co-founder Christopher Grotke countered in his own scenario, “made the taxpayers of Brattleboro very happy and reinvigorated their trust in a lean, highly-effective municipal government.”
Read the story on VTDigger here: Brattleboro sees more division than subtraction in efforts to cut defeated budget.
Updated at 6:54 p.m.
BURLINGTON — A federal judge in Burlington heard arguments Monday in the case of a Tufts University student who was arrested by federal agents in Massachusetts last month and later briefly detained at an immigration enforcement facility in St. Albans.
Judge William Sessions didn’t immediately rule during the hearing, which centered on whether the student, Rümeysa Öztürk, should remain in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention or not. Öztürk has been detained for weeks at an ICE facility in Basile, Louisiana, where she was taken after being lodged overnight in Vermont.
But the judge did appear open to ordering her brought back to Vermont while the case continues, a move Öztürk’s attorneys proposed, among others, in court filings. Sessions grilled the lawyers and the prosecutor representing the feds for more than two hours, before concluding by saying he’d take both sides’ arguments “under advisement.”
Speaking to reporters outside the courthouse on Elmwood Avenue after the hearing, Jessie Rossman, from Öztürk’s legal team, said she wasn’t sure when the judge would decide on the case’s next steps, but added, “we know that the court has been moving expeditiously on this case, and we anticipate that he will continue to do so.”
The graduate student’s attorneys have asked Sessions to order her released on bail as her case proceeds, or if not that, to have her held in custody in Vermont instead.
The federal government has contested both of those requests, arguing that Öztürk’s case should instead be delegated entirely to the federal immigration court system. Öztürk has additional proceedings in that system already, stemming from the feds’ decision to revoke her student visa and order her to be deported from the U.S.
A federal judge in Massachusetts, where Öztürk’s case was first filed before being moved, at least for the time being, to Vermont, ruled late last month that the student cannot be deported without a court order authorizing the government to do so.
Sessions said he is first weighing whether he agrees that the case should continue to be heard in Vermont. If he’s satisfied that his court has jurisdiction over the case, he said, he may then solicit more arguments from both sides at a later date — which he did not set — on whether it’s appropriate for Öztürk to be released from detention.
Öztürk, who is Turkish, was arrested by masked and plainclothes officers on a street near her apartment in Somerville, Massachusetts, on the evening of March 25. She was whisked north to Vermont via New Hampshire that night, before being flown out of Patrick Leahy Burlington International Airport early the following morning.
“When the men approached me, my first thought was that they were not government officials but private individuals who wanted to harm me,” Öztürk wrote in an affidavit filed with the court last week, before going on to write, “I thought this was a strange situation and was sure they were going to kill me.”
Öztürk’s attorneys have argued that ICE wrongly targeted her for exercising her rights to free speech. The government appears to have targeted Öztürk for co-writing an op-ed in Tufts’ student newspaper that criticized university leaders for their response to demands that the school divest from companies with ties to Israel, her attorneys have said.
At Monday’s hearing, her lawyers also contended the feds have not charged her with a crime and that, by keeping her detained, the government is creating “a chilling effect” that will discourage other people from writing or speaking about similar issues.
They pointed to Öztürk’s affidavit, too, which states that the 30-year-old has been “in pain and very scared” while in ICE custody. She has suffered four asthma attacks while detained but hasn’t received adequate care for her condition, the court filing states.
Acting U.S. Attorney for Vermont Michael Drescher, who is defending ICE and other federal agencies against Öztürk’s challenge, said the government did not dispute that the student could bring a case against it. But he argued that the challenge had to be confined to the federal immigration system, with its own distinct courts and judges.
If Sessions found that Vermont’s U.S. District Court has jurisdiction over even some of the proceedings, Drescher argued, the judge would be infringing on the executive branch of the federal government’s discretion to enforce U.S. immigration law.
Monday’s hearing was “neither the time, nor the forum” for the case to be litigated, Drescher told the judge.
Öztürk’s attorneys contended they were challenging the constitutionality of Öztürk’s arrest — an issue over which Sessions should have a say, they maintained.
“There’s no discretion to violate the Constitution,” Noor Zafar, another of Öztürk’s lawyers, said during Monday’s arguments in the courtroom.
Sessions appeared to have some concern with the government’s argument that there was an insurmountable conflict between his court and the immigration system. If Öztürk “is right” that her constitutional rights were violated when she was arrested, but the government thinks Öztürk should be detained, regardless, “then we’re in a constitutional crisis,” the judge said.
Drescher responded that the government would comply with Sessions’ decision, even if they disagreed with it.
Öztürk’s case has drawn national attention as President Donald Trump’s administration has repeatedly taken aim at students and professors across the country in recent weeks, including revoking some academics’ permission to study and work in the U.S.
Ahead of Monday’s hearing, hundreds of people lined the sidewalks outside the downtown Burlington courthouse, many of them waving Palestinian flags or holding handmade signs professing support for Öztürk and other students who have been detained.
The rally was organized by the Vermont Coalition for Palestinian Liberation and featured speakers from that organization, Vermonters for Justice in Palestine and University of Vermont Students for Justice in Palestine, among others. Crowds formed before the hearing started at 9:30 a.m., and many stayed for hours until the proceedings concluded around midday.
“It’s incredibly important to show up in force and be loud and proud about what we believe, which is that the detention of Rümeysa is wrong. It is unjust, and she must be released immediately,” said James O’Malley, an organizer with UVM Students for Justice in Palestine, in an interview.
Others said they thought Öztürk’s detention represented an erosion of First Amendment protections in the country.
“The most important thing that will come out of that room upstairs is the question, do we have the First Amendment right or not?” said Wafic Faour, a member of Vermonters for Justice in Palestine and of the Vermont Coalition for Palestinian Liberation who spoke at the rally.
“A lot of the people here came here because they are against Trump. We understand that. They are pro the First Amendment. We do understand that. But if they don’t understand that Palestine is the litmus test of the First Amendment, they are missing the point,” Faour said in an interview.
Caitlin MacLeod-Bluver, a Winooski High School teacher, felt it was essential to show up and give voice to the concerns of her students, many of whom, she said, don’t share the same freedoms to speak up.
“Many of my students are immigrants, with and without legal status,” she said in an interview. “I’m here because they want me to be here, (and) because I stand with my students, always.”
“I think I see Rümeysa as a student first,” MacLeod-Bluver said, adding, “I think immigrants with or without legal status need our support now more than ever.”
Read the story on VTDigger here: Vermont federal judge hears arguments in detained Tufts student’s case, makes no ruling.